초기현대영어의 핵 이동과 자질의 강도

홍성심 현대문법학회 2010 현대문법연구 Vol.61 No.-

On a Transitivity Analysis of French Reflexive clitic 'se' and English Reflexives

홍성심,신미경 대한언어학회 2008 언어학 Vol.16 No.2

The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 16(2), 233-253. With all amount of studies and literature dedicated to it, the status of the French reflexive clitic 'se' is still highly controversial. The question is whether the reflexive clitic occurs with transitive predicates or intransitive predicates. In the case that it occurs with an intransitive, whether the predicates that allow 'se' is unaccusative or unergative has been the focus of intensive syntactic investigations. In this paper we discuss the issue with French reflexive clitic, 'se', examining a variety array of data and proposals. We argue against the uniform analysis of intransitivity, yielding that the reflexive 'se' behaves like a direct object with the difference in their feature specification. In other words, unlike non-argumental approaches advocated by Bouchard (1984), Marantz (1984), and Grimshaw (1990), we support argumental approach for the clitic 'se'. Those who have maintained the argumental approaches include Rizzi (1986) and Roberts (1997). We provide some new empirical data and new interpretations within Chomksy's (1995, 2000) Minimalist Program, implementing the transivity hypothesis for 'se'. The conclusion we reach includes that it is difficult to characterize reflexive ‘se' in a syntactically intransitive manner and that 'se' is neither an affix nor a morpheme. Rather, 'se' is an internal argument subcategorized by the transitive predicates with unvalued syntactic features. The argument 'se' with unvalued features is demanded by a transitive predicate in which 'se', a DP, raises to get valued via XP movement.

On the Syntax of “Have To”

홍성심 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.3

This paper, based on the current theory of phrase structure, aims to analyze the internal structure of “have to” constructions, especially in American English. Radford (1997, 2004a, 2004b), following Chomskyan framework of Transformational grammar (Chomsky 1981, 1995, 2001), argued that two potential positions exist for the infinitival particle “to”―either T or Aux. If Radford’s analysis is to be accepted, then the sequence of “have” followed by “to’ with a modal‐like meaning casts a problem in its phrase structure. This paper will argue that if “have” is a lexical verb as maintained in Huddlestone and Pullum (2002) and Quirk, et al (1972, 1985) and if “to” is either a T constituent or Aux constituent depending on the existence of a negative element, then the “have to” construction is bi‐clausal rather than monoclausal. In other words, “have” is in the matrix TP, whereas “to” is in the embedded TP. Therefore, the surface subject of the “have to” construction is a raised subject from the embedded TP to the matrix TP, making “have” a raising predicate, just like “seem” and “appear.” To support this argument, this paper will offer empirical support from the distribution of certain adverbials such as “yet,” “only,” and “still” as well as expletive subjects like “there” in the “have to” construction. One consequence of this analysis is the ability to account for the contraction phenomenon, where “have to” is pronounced as [hæfta] because the A‐trace of the subject‐to‐subject raising does not block the contraction between “have” and “to.”

On the Island-(In)sensitivity of Wh-Extraction in English Sentential Subjects and Extraposition

홍성심 현대문법학회 2020 현대문법연구 Vol.107 No.-

Since Ross (1967), movement has been known to display what is called the island-sensitivity. As has long been advocated and assumed in the generative grammar, English DP and TP are the cyclic nodes/bounding nodes/barriers from which an extraction is disallowed, which turns into different versions of locality in the name of Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) in Chomsky (2000, 2001). With this technology, the bounding nodes enter into a new stage, Phases. In essence, however, Cyclicity, Subjacency, and PIC are all dealing with locality constraint on movement (Boecks 2012:58). While maintaining a theory-neutral stance between different versions of locality constraint on Wh-movement, the purpose of this paper is to highlight the two closely related constructions of English, Sentential Subject Construction (SSC) and its corresponding Extraposition Construction (EC) with respect to the island effect. The fact that Wh-constituent can be extracted neither from finite that-CP nor non-finite for-CP in SSC, while it freely moves out of both that-CP and for-CP in EC is analyzed with a null D head. As a consequence of this analysis, it is argued that a null D(P) is a necessary constituent in order to account for the impossibility of Wh-extraction from SSC. On the other hand, the ban on extraction is lifted in EC, due to the lack of the encapsulating DP.

Morpho-Syntax of English Subjunctive Clauses

홍성심 미래영어영문학회 2019 미래영어영문학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2019 No.11

An English Tough-construction Resolution: A Minimalist Account

홍성심 한국언어정보학회 2009 언어와 정보 Vol.13 No.1

Tough-construction is, undoubtedly, one of the most puzzling syntactic problems in the history of transformational grammar. Various approaches have been proposed including Deletion approaches (Akmajian, 1972, Lasnik and Fiengo, 1974) and movement approaches. Among the movement approaches, Chomsky (1977; 1981) argues for movement of null Operator, and Hornstein (2001) argues for a two-step movement equipped with Sideward movement. Most recently, Schueler (2004) and Hartman (2009) each have also argued for a kind of movement approach. With the development of the Minimalist syntax (Chomsky, 1995; Chomsky, 2000; Chomsky, 2001), tough-construction, an age old problem in the description of grammar, turns into another round toward to a more satisfactory answer. By examining the most recent competing analyses of tough-constructions, this paper defends and extends Schueler's (2004) analysis, rather than Hartman's (2009) two step movement approach. Furthermore, this paper proposes that tough-subject originates from the intermediate CP internal Spec-TopicP position rather than from the iterated CP layer (Authier, 1992). This approach has more descriptive power than it was originally argued for in Schueler (2004) and is a step closer toward Minimalism insofar as the conception of government is no longer utilized.

Feature-based Honorifics and Politeness in English and Korean at a Syntax-Pragmatics Interface

홍성심 한국생성문법학회 2013 생성문법연구 Vol.23 No.2

Shibatani (2006) states that whereas every language appears to have ways of expressing Politeness, only certain languages have well-developed Honorifics. This has been a long-sustained idea in the theory of Politeness and Pragmatics. More recently, Kashyap (2008), while discussing Bajjika spoken by 20 million people in the northern area of India, proposes that although every language adopts some strategy to make the language sound honorific or polite and not offensive, there be a clear distinction between polite utterances and honorific ones. This paper discusses the relationship between Honorifics and Politeness from a syntactic point of view. More specifically, how is Politeness grammatically and syntactically manifested in two languages, English and Korean if Politeness is a pragmatic universal? Based on Shibatani (2006) and Kashyap (2008), the present study argues that English and Korean Honorifics look radically different from each other from the superficial level and yet the dramatic difference should be attributed to the choice of domain(s) of the Honorifics Encoding via a feature checking mechanism. In particular, a feature-based theory of Honorifics originally proposed in Hong (2010,2011) is advocated and further extended in this paper so that the asymmetry in the manifestation of “rich” honorifics in Korean vs. “meager” honorifics in English can be uniformly accounted for. In conclusion, Korean Honorifics with [±Hon] feature is checked in the domain of DP, vP, and ForceP, and English Honorifics with [±Hon]feature is checked within CP (or ForceP) only. The checking mechanism employed in the current paper, of course, comes not from the early version of Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993, 1995) in which the checking is between Spec-Head relations. Rather, this paper adopts the feature checking systems of Adger (2003, 2006, 2007) and Adger &Svenonius(2010), which means the checking feature is under Sisterhood. The difference in the number of the domains for checking [±Hon] feature between Sisterhood yields the discrepancy of the surface picture of the two languages; a “rich” Honorfic language vs. a “meager” Honorific language, just like a rich inflectional language vs a meager inflectional language.

영어 종속접속의 유형과 기능 : 극소절을 포함하여

홍성심 국제문화기술진흥원 2021 The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technolo Vol.7 No.1

접속의 개념은 인간의 언어가 가진 속성 중의 하나로, 동물의 소통방식은 접속의 구조가 없다고 알려져 있다. 접속이란 문법단위들의 ‘연결’(connection, linkage)로 영어의 경우 종속접속절을 전치사구(PP)의 범주로 간주하거나, 보문소구 (CP)의 범주로 분류한다. 또한, 문장의 유형과 복잡성도 접속의 방식에 의해서 결정되는데, 동등접속과 달 리 종속접속은 접속되는 문법단위가 대부분 절(clause)의 형태가 된다. 전통문법이나 학교문법에서는 종속접속이 그 기능에 따라 명사성 보충절, 형용성 관계절, 부사성 수식-부가절 3가지로 나뉘어 왔으나, 본 논문은 마치 소절(small clause)이 “절”로 인정되면서, 여러 가지 기능을 하는 것과 마찬가지로 무주어 무동사 종속절 (Verbless subordinate clause. V-less SC)을 종속절의 한 유형으로 보면서, 이를 극소절(smallest small clause)로 명명하고, 이들이 종속 절의 일부라는 제안을 한다. 또한, 구조와 기능을 보다 세분하여 종합적으로 분석함으로서, XP라고 특정할 수 없는 절을 포함하여 분석할 수 있는 장점이 있음을 지적한다. This paper discusses the types and functions of English subordinate clauses, whether English subordinate clauses (SC) are headed by a Complementizer (CP) or headed by a lexical (but not functional) Preposition (PP). Furthermore, unlike the standard classification, the current paper provides a finer-grained analysis and classification of English SCs. The traditional or prescriptive view on the functions of English SCs includes Noun SC such as complement clauses, Adjectival SC including relative clauses, and Adverbial SCs that cover a garden variety of subordinators. Added to the existing classification of subordination in English is what I notate as Verbless subordinate clause (V-less SC). Of these 4 different types of subordinate clauses with different functions, properties, and distributions, Subjectless Verbless subordinate clause is further divided into Smallest small clause (SSC) which accounts for English subordination mechanism more uniformly and consistently with respect to their clausal architecture, especially when the subordinate clause is neither PP nor CP.

영어 대명사류의 해석에 관한 연구

홍성심 충남대학교 어학연구소 1994 언어 Vol.15 No.-

Where a Null C Fails to PF-merge

홍성심 한국언어정보학회 2005 언어와 정보 Vol.9 No.2

This paper discusses the distribution of a null complementizer C, as opposed to an overt counterpart `that', presenting empirical support both for and against the PF-merge analysis of C proposed by Boscovic and Lasnik (2003, henceafter B&L) who in turn attribute to the proposal in Pesetsky (1992) and Halle & Marantz (1993). In Section I, as a background, I discuss B&L's proposal that a null complementizer C is a PFaffix which undergoes a PF-merger operation at the PF component. In Section 2, after a brief sketch of the distribution of a null C mostly in bare-relatives, I explore the possibility of extending B&L's analysis to accomodate the null C's in the bare-relative constructions. In Section 3, I argue that despite some empirical difficulties, B&L's analysis of a null C as a PF-affix can still be maintained, if Adverb Fronting is an operation to Spec-C position. Furthermore, I propose a rule ? PF Spell-Out Constraint ? to account for the C-trace (i.e. that-trace) effect in relative constructions. With the PF Spell-Out Constraint and B&L's PF-merge account, the distribution of a null C can better be analyzed.