6~7세기에 나타나는 삼국 형률의 적용 양상과 특징

한영화 ( Young Hwa Han ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.50

This research is to illuminate similarities and differences of the Penal Code between the Three Kingdoms and Chinese. It was examined by comparing the crime, such as the sin of rebellion(謀反·叛), theft(盜), robbery(劫) and cheonheung(擅興). In the Three Kingdoms, death penalty for rebellion was both public chamhyeong(斬刑). It was enforced by purification ritual with water or fire. And punishment for theft(盜) was based on compensation. In fact, it is clear that the terms of Penal Code have existed, but application of the law can occur in various ways by depending on the social conditions and the customary law`s basis of each society. Features of Penal Code in the Three Kingdoms was no the punishment of labor(徒刑) and hanging(絞刑). Enslavement was not an additional punishment but an independent punishment, it was placed in the punishment of labor of China. The punishment of labor in China had an educational significance and included Confucian contents. On the other hand, enslavement in the Three Kingdoms was done in terms of compensation for the property along with the rigor of punishment. The punishment of hanging(絞刑) in China was a relaxed form of death penalty In the sense of simply deprivation of life. However, there was no the punishment of hanging(絞刑) in the Three Kingdoms. I would guess that it`s absence was not simply deprivation of life but openly purification ritual, and showed an emulsion of tradition which expected effects of vigilance.

신라의 희생제의

한영화 ( Han Young-hwa ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.66

This article examined the social meaning and the character of rituals through sacrifice, focusing on sacrifice in rituals performed in Silla. Sacrifices in rituals are offerings to God. The act of sacrifice was performed for multiple Gods including the Heavenly God as the supreme deity and the Earth God, and had various purposes such as praying fertility and richness, the divination of good and bad luck, and the purification of contamination from crime. Sacrifices, as in the case of Buyeo(夫餘) and Yae(濊), were used to overcome natural disasters caused by floods and droughts, to take auspices in war, and to purify uncleanness or contamination occurred when violating taboos. In rituals for the Heavenly God and the Earth God, it was confirmed that Goguryeo used pig and deer, while Baekje used deer mostly. It was reconfirmed that the kinds of sacrifices differed according to the conditions of life in each society, considering that sacrifices in China were mainly cow, sheep and pig while the northern nations used horse. Despite the difference in kinds of sacrifice, it was common that sacrifice was being made as an attempt to communicate with the gods of heaven in order to solve the problems on earth. The kinds of sacrifice that were used in Silla were cow and horse. In the wells excavated centering around Gyeongju, cows, horses and deer bones were verified. A well, as a passage connected with the underground world, means a ritualistic space to read the will of heaven or pray for a holy being. There was high probability of ritual for rain was made through sacrifice especially in a space related to water such as a well or a pond, and the water-related rituals including a well were so important that they were organized as a national rituals in connection with floods or droughts. Cow and horse appeared on record as well as in excavation. The ‘Scapecow’ in an epigraphic and the white horse in the biographies of Kim Yushin in Samguksagi(三國史記) are the examples. Especially the ritual of ‘Scapecow’ in an epigraphic is associated with the promulgation of Gyo(敎) and the execution of a sentence. Local people and the central government swore before the heaven about a specific issues in the ritual of ‘Scapegoat’, and it was considered to be a ritual of swearing before heaven(盟祭) because judgment or punishment was made and a warning was added in this process. The fact that the ritual of ‘Scapegoat’ was being carried out with the promulgation of Gyo even after the promulgation of the Law Code(律令) shows that the central government of Silla had limit to apply the ‘law’ throughout the regions only by their authority. Shamanistic indigenous religion and common law was deeply rooted in local people, so the most fundamental notion of being punished from heaven would have affected them. This notion appeared as the ritual of ‘Scapecow’. Therefore, Silla's ritual of ‘Scapegoat’ is likely to be derived from their traditional ritual of swearing before heaven.

한국 고대사회에서의 법의 형성과 체계화

한영화(Han, Young Hwa) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2019 역사문화연구 Vol.69 No.-

한국 고대사회에서 불문법으로서의 관습법, 성문법으로서의 율령 은 주요한 키워드임은 틀림없다. 그러나 율령은 중국으로부터 수용된 법체계이기 때문에 고유/외래적 성격, 율령 반포 이전/이후의 연속성 등의 문제가 논란이 되어 왔다. 다른 한편으로, 불문법에서 성문법으로의 전환에서 관습법 이 어떠한 의미를 가지는가에 대해서는 설명이 많이 부족한 상황이다. 이러한 문제 제기를 출발점으 로, 법체계를 제정법에 한정시키지 않고 평범한 행위자들 사이의 법이자 제정법의 法源으로서의 관습법을 포함하여 사회를 이해하고자 하였다. 다른 한 축으로는 사회 구성원들의 습속, 관습으로부터 시작되어 사회적으로 공식화하는 법의 형성 과정과 발전이라는 큰 틀에서 고대법을 설명하고자 하였다. 고대법의 기반은 사료에서 사회 구성원들을 규제하는 행위규범으로 등장하는 법과 속이었다. 속은 자연적, 경제적 여건으로부터 형성된 공동체 성원들의 의, 식, 주를 토대로 오랫동안 반복적으로 형성되어 온 공통된 성향이며, 인문·사회적 요소를 포괄하는 것이었다. 법은 ‘협의의 법’으로서 형법의 범주에 있으며 위반사항에 대한 제재가 동반된다. 이러한 속과 법이 고대사회에서의 관습법이었으 며, 이러한 행위 규범이 법적인 효력을 가지는 데에 공적 권력의 결정과 제재가 작동되는 것이었다. 이에 따른 법의 체계는 공적 권력에 의한 결정과 제재를 통한 규칙이 형성된 규제법과, 사회구성원들끼리 ‘관습을 따르는 것이 의무’라는 믿음이 전제된 관습법으로 설명할 수 있을 것이다. 고조선의 ‘범금 8조’의 경우, 제재의 주체가 개인, 공동체, 제3자의 개입·중재로 다양하게 나타나지만, 부여의 ‘用刑’을 시작으로 고구려에서는 귀족의 ‘評議’로 구체화된다. 더욱이 신라의 <냉수리비>에서는 귀족들의 ‘共論’이 언급되기도 하는데, 결국 최종적인 결정권자는 왕이었다. 󰡔삼국사기󰡕 에 등장하는 ‘왕법’은 왕명에 따른 법을 뜻하는 것이었고, 그 과정에서 귀족들의 평의도 결정에 일정정도 영향을 미쳤던 것이다. 왕이 귀족들에 대한 배타적인 권력을 독점함으로써 왕은 초월적 지위를 가지게 되었으며, 이는 국가체제의 정비와 함께 이루어진 일이었다. 율령의 반포는 국가체제 정비의 일환이었으며, 국가 시스템에 의해 작동되는 규제법은 신라 <적성비>에서 언급되었던 ‘국법’이라고 할수 있다. It is clear that customary law as a unwritten law, and Yulryeong (律令) as a statute law are main key words of Korean ancient society. However, since Yulryeong is a legal system accepted from China, there has been controversy about its nature whether it is indigenous or foreign, and about continuity between before and after the promulgation of Yulryeong. Meanwhile, there is much lack of explanation as to the meaning of customary law in the transition from unwritten law to statute law. Taking this problem posing as a starting point, this study attempted to understand the society by including the customary law as the law between the ordinary actors and the source of the law of legislation, without limiting the legal system to the legislation. On the other hand, this study tried to explain the ancient law through the large frame of the formation process and development of the law which starts from the folkways and customs of the social members and was formalized socially. The foundation of the ancient law was a law and folkways that emerged as a norm of behavior that regulates members of society in the historical records. Folkways are common tendency that has been repeatedly formed over a long period of time based on the food, clothing and shelter of the community members formed from natural and economic conditions, and they encompass humanistic and social elements. A law is a narrow-scope law , which is in the category of criminal law and accompanies sanctions for violations. These folkways and law were customary law in ancient society, and the decision of state power and sanctions were operated to have the legal effect of these norms of behavior. Therefore, the system of the law can be explained by the regulatory law which is formed by the decisions and sanctions by state power, and the customary law which is based on the belief that observation of customs is a duty among the members of society. In the case of Gojoseon s Beomgeum 8 clauses(犯禁八條) , the subject of sanctions is varied by individual, community, and third party intervention and arbitration. However, starting from use punishment(用刑) of Buyeo(夫餘), conference(評議) of the nobility appeared in Koguryo(高句麗). Moreover, the deliberation(共論) of the nobles was mentioned in the Silla Stele of Naengsuri in Yeongil, and the final decision maker was the king. The King s law, which appeared in The Chronicles of the Three State(三國史記), meant the law according to the king s command, and the nobles conference also had some influence on the decision. By monopolizing the exclusive power over the nobles, king secured transcendent position, and this was conducted with the maintenance of the state system. The Promulgation of Yulryeong was a part of the maintenance of the state system and the regulatory law operated by the state system could be called the state law mentioned in the Silla Stele of Jeoksung in Danyang.

신라 예부(禮部)의 성립과 운영

한영화 ( Han Young Hwa ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2020 人文科學 Vol.0 No.76

신라에서는 법흥왕대 이래로 본격적으로 관직과 관사가 설치된다. 그 중에서 예부는 진평왕 8년(586)에 설치되었으며, 제의나 의례를 담당했다. 법흥왕대로 추정되는 <울주천전리각석> 을사년과 기미년 기록에서는 왕실의 행차에 수행했던 인물들이 제사의 준비, 실행을 담당하였다. 특히 태왕비, 왕비, 왕자의 행차를 기록한 기미년 기록에는 ‘禮臣’이 등장하여 구체적으로 일을 관리했던 인물이 등장한다. ‘예신’과 같이 예를 담당했던 직무가 진평왕대 예부의 창설로 이어졌던 것이다. 예부는 시간적 차이를 두면서 대도서, 음성서, 국학, 전사서, 사범서를 소속 관사로 편제하였다. 소속 관사의 편제 과정을 본다면, 예부의 직무는 크게 세 가지 방향으로 전개된다. 기존의 신앙으로부터 국가적 차원으로 편입 과정을 거치는 제의,(전사서, 음성서) 법흥왕대 이래로 공인된 불교,(대도서) 그리고 유교적 예제를 바탕으로 하는 의례(사범서, 국학, 음성서)를 담당하는 것이다. 예부의 5개의 관사가 소속 관사이지만 동일한 등급을 가지고 있지는 않다. 대도서, 음성서, 국학은 卿을 최고의 관직으로 가진 상급 관사이며, 전사서는 監을, 사범서는 大舍를 최고의 관직으로 가진 하급 관사였다. 이러한 위상 차이는 오히려 예부의 가장 핵심적인 직무를 보여주는 것이다. 다시 말하면 예부의 상급 관사보다는 하급 관사였던 전사서와 사범서가 예부에 대한 종속성이 컸던 것을 반영하는 것이며, 예부는 국가제사로서의 제의와 유교적 의례를 핵심적인 직무로 가졌을 것이라 생각된다. Silla had established official posts and offices in earnest since the reign of King Beopheung. Of them, Yebu (禮部) was established in the 8th year of King Jinpyeong (586) and was in charge of sacrificial rites and rituals. In the case of national ancestral rites of Silla, or the ancestral rituals of Sijomyo (始祖廟, Shrine of the Dynasty’s Founder), the king’s sister was in charge four times a year. The records of A.D. 525 and A.D. 539 of Cheonjeon-ri Gakseok of Ulju (蔚州川前里刻石), which is supposed to have been erected during the reign of King Beopheung, show that the figures who accompanied the honored parade of the royal family were in charge of preparing and performing ancestral rites. In particular, the records of A.D. 539, which include the honored parade of the Great Queen, the queen of King Galmun, and the prince, shows the figure “Yesin (禮臣)” who managed the duty specifically. Duties in charge of ye (禮) such as “Yesin” led to the establishment of the Yebu during the reign of King Jinpyeong. Yebu organized Daedoseo (大道署), Eumseongseo (音聲署), Gukhak (國學), Jeonsaseo (典祀署) and Sabeomseo (司範署) as its affiliated offices under its umbrella in turn. In terms of organization process, the duty of Yebu was developed in three directions; Sacrificial rites (Jeonsaseo, Eumseongseo), transferred from existing beliefs to national beliefs; Buddhism (Daedoseo), officially recognized since the reign of King Beopheung; rituals (Sabeomseo, Gukhak, Eumseongseo) based on the Confucian rites. There were five affiliated offices in Yebu, but not all had the same rank. Daedoseo, Eumseongseo, Gukhak were high-ranking offices with the highest post as Gyeong (卿), while Jeonsaseo and Sabeomseo were low-ranking offices with the highest posts as Gam (監) and Daesa (大舍) respectively. The difference in rank reveals the most essential duties of Yebu. In other words, it reflects the fact that Jeonsaseo and Sabeomseo which were low-ranking offices, were more dependent on Yebu than high-ranking offices. It is presumed that the core duty of Yebu was performing both sacrificial rituals as national rites and Confucian rites.

신라의 刑政과 理方府

한영화(Han, Young Hwa) 한국사학회 2019 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.133

부여나 고구려에서의 형옥과 관련된 판결과 사면은 제천행사이자 국중대회의 場에서 이루어졌다. 이 때의 형옥은 국가적으로 주요한 사안에 대한 것이었고, 주로 귀족회의에 의한 評議로 결정되었다. 이러한 경우는 특수한 사안에 대한 결단이고 사면이었다면, 일상적인 죄의 재판과 형의 실행은 용감하고 건실하거나 나이와 지식이 많은 사람, 즉 공동체의 長으로 공적인 권위를 부여받은 자들에 의해서였다. 대체로 그 결정은 공동체가 공유하고 있었던 그 지역의 습속이나 관습이 기준이 되었을 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 고대국가로 성장, 발전하면서 왕에 의해 임명된 그 지역의 官이나 長에게 공적인 권력이 부여되었으며, 보편적 기준에 의한 공적인 권력의 부여는 강제력을 동반하는 형의 집행, 결정의 시행으로까지 이어진다. 신라에서 분쟁이나 형벌에 대한 집행을 확인할 수 있는 것은 〈영일냉수리신라비〉와 〈울진봉평리신라비〉였다. 왕을 중심으로 내려진 교와 이를 집행하는 집단으로서의 ‘典事人’, ‘事大人’은 실무자인 나마級과 그 지역의 지방관인 ○○道使가 포함되어 있었다. 이들은 소지왕대 녹수를 명했던 ‘內外有司’에 해당하는 인물들이었던 것으로 추정된다. 분쟁이나 형벌, 사면 등을 담당했던 실무자들은 점차 이를 전담하는 기구나 관리들의 업무로 전환되기 시작하였다. 바로 진덕왕 5년에 설치된 이방부였다. 이방부는 사정부와 함께 형정과 관련된 관사였다. 사정부가 관리들에 대한 감찰 업무라고 한다면, 이방부는 일반 형정을 담당하고 있었던 것으로 추정된다. 당에서의 형부, 대리시, 어사대(숙정대)와 대응된다. 신라의 이방부는 고려에서 형정의 핵심 관사인 형부, 그 소관인 도관, 그리고 전옥서(대리시)에 비견된다. 고려의 형부는 법률, 詞訟, 詳讞과, 노비의 관리 문제에 집중되어 있었으며, 전옥서는 獄囚를 관장한다. 이를 토대로 본다면 신라의 이방부 또한 그 직무는 일반 獄訟을 담당하여 소송과 재판은 물론이며, 이로 인해 발생하는 처벌의 집행 그리고 獄과 적몰된 노비나 재물의 관리, 사면까지 폭넓게 관장하고 있었을 것으로 파악된다. Judgment and pardon related to a punishment(刑獄) in Buyeo and Goguryeo was ruled at a place where a heavenly rite and a state convention were held. The punishment at this point was about the issue of national importance, and was decided by a conference(評議), mainly by the noble council. These cases were resolutions and pardons of special issues, whereas judgments and execution of sentence on ordinary crimes were done by those who are courageous and sound, or an aged man of great knowledge, that is, someone who were given public authority as a head(長) of the community. In general, the decision seems to be based on folkways and customs that community shared. As state grew and developed into an ancient state, public power was given to officials(官) and head(長) of the area appointed by the king, and the granting of public power based on the universal standard led to execution of the sentence with legal force and enforcement of decision. Dispute or enforcement of the punishment of Silla can be confirmed in the Silla Stele of Naengsuri in Yeongil and the Silla Stele of Bongpyeongri in Uljin. Gyo given mainly by the King, “Jeonsa-in(典事人)” and “Sadae-in(事大人)” which are the executive groups, include the Nama-class practitioner and the local authority ○○Dosa(道使). They are presumed that the persons who corresponded to the “department in charge for regional and national affairs(內外有司)” who ordered the examination of prisoners(錄囚) during the King Soji’s reign. Practitioners in charge of disputes, punishment, and pardon were gradually converted to the tasks of the organizations or officials exclusively responsible for those charges. This organization was Ibangbu established in the 5th year of Queen Jindeok. Ibangbu was a government office involved in penal administration with Sajeongbu. It is presumed that Sajeongbu took charge of inspections of officials, and Ibangbu took charge of general penal administration. This corresponds to Tang’s Hyeongbu, Daerisi, Eosadae(Sukjeongdae). Ibangbu of Silla is comparable to Hyeongbu, Dogwan under the jurisdiction of Hyeongbu, and Jeonokseo(Daerisi) of Goryeo. Hyeongbu of Goryeo focused on law, private lawsuits(詞訟), criminal lawsuits(詳讞), and matters of managing slave, and Jeonokseo was in charge of prison-affair(獄囚). Based on this, it can be understood that Yibangbu of Silla also took charge of general criminal lawsuits(獄訟). It widely administered lawsuits, trials, enforced punishment caused by these, and managed prison, confiscated slaves, properties, and pardon.

[특집 : 역사 속의 여성노동] 고대사회의 성별 분업과 여성노동

한영화(Han Young-Hwa) 역사학연구소 2005 역사연구 Vol.- No.15

신라의 지배 공간의 확장과 제의의 통합

한영화(Han, Young-hwa) 호서사학회 2019 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.89

신라의 祀典 체계의 성립 시점부터 각 제사의 성격 등에 대해서는 비교적 많은 연구들이 진행되어 왔다. 그 중에서도 가장 큰 특징은 三山을 비롯한 명산대천만을 중국의 사전체계인 대 · 중 · 소사로 편제했다는 점과, 비교적 늦은 시점으로 생각되는 선덕왕대 사직의 설치였다. 산천제와 사직제는 신라의 국가 발전과 맞물려서 오랜 시간동안 조직화된 제사였다. 山川神과 地神을 대상으로 하는 제사가 국가제사로 편입되는 과정은 신라의 지배영역의 확장과 함께 이에 딸린 제사의 통합이라는 측면에서 접근할 필요가 있다. 신라가 주변의 소국을 병합하고 영역을 확장해나가는 과정은 왕의 순수나 순행 기사를 통해서 확인할 수 있다. 신라의 순수나 순행이 중국의 그것과 거의 유사한 정치적 행위라고 한다면, 이사금 시기에 순수나 순행과 함께 행해졌던 望祭에 주목할 필요가 있었다. 望은 실질적인 지배 영역을 주요 산천으로 구현한 개념이었다. 순수나 순행하는 지역에 대한 실질적인 지배력 확보뿐만 아니라 주변 산천을 제사지냄으로써 지역의 제사도 통합하려는 의도도 있었던 것이다. 이러한 망제는 ‘사방’이라는 추상적인 개념으로 나타난다. 한편, 신라는 고대국가로 형성, 발전해나가는 과정에서 혁거세를 중심으로 하는 세력이 하늘의 후손이자, 왕실의 조상으로서 위상을 갖고 지배세력 내에서 이를 공유, 구심점으로 작동하였다. 지신에 대한 제사는 삼한에서 행해졌던 5월, 10월제나 소도 신앙 등에서 찾을 수 있으며, 이러한 신앙은 산천신에 대한 신앙과 궤를 같이 한다. 지신과 산천신에 대한 제사는 결국 중앙에 의해 장악되면서 계서화 과정을 거치게 되며, 이 때문에 명산대천만을 대상으로 하는 대․중․소사가 편성된다. 이와 함께 여기에 포함되지 않는 제사가 존재함으로써 이원적 체계의 사전이 편성되었다고 볼 수 있다. 결국 신궁의 지신에 대한 제사와 명산대천의 대․중․소사가 일정 정도 공유됨으로써 사직의 설치는 비교적 늦은 시기의 선덕왕대 완성되었던 것이라 생각된다. Relatively many studies on the nature of each rite including the establishment time of sacrificial rituals code(祀典) system of Silla have been conducted. The most notable feature is that only noted mountains and large streams, including Samsan(三山), were organized into Chinese sacrificial rituals code system of great, medium and little sacrificial rituals. Another notable feature is the installation of the Sajik(社稷) during the reign of King Seondeok(宣德王), which is thought to be relatively late. The rites for mountain and stream and Sajik were organized for a long time meshed with the national development of Silla. The process of incorporating the rituals for the God of mountain and stream(山川神) and earth God(地神) into the national rituals needs to be approached from the aspect of the expansion of the ruling space of Silla and the integration of the sacrificial rituals attached to the expansion. The process of merging the neighboring small states and expanding the territory of Silla can be confirmed through the articles of Sunsu(巡狩) or royal tours(巡幸). Assuming that Sunsu or royal tours of Silla was a political act almost similar to that of China, it is necessary to pay attention to the Mangje(望祭), which was performed with Sunsu or royal tours in Yisageum(尼師今) period. Mang(望) was a concept that embodies the practical ruling space in primary mountains and streams. In addition to securing substantial ruling power over the Sunsu or royal tours areas, it was also intended to integrate local rites by performing the rites for surrounding mountains and streams. Therefore, Mangje appeared as an abstract concept of the Four Directions(四方). Meanwhile, in the Silla"s formation and development process of ancient state, the force with Hyeokkeose(赫居世) as a center figure had a status as a descendant of the sky and an ancestor of the royal family, and it was shared within the ruling forces and functioned as a pivot. The rites for earth God can be found in the rites in May and in October or Sodo(蘇途) beliefs performed in Samhan(三韓), and these beliefs has the same tendency with the beliefs of the God of mountain and stream. The rites for the earth God and the God of mountain and stream were eventually in control of the central government and hierarchized, therefore great, medium and little sacrificial rituals only for noted mountains and large streams were organized. In addition, it can be said that the sacrificial rituals code of dual system was organized with the presence of the rituals not included above. Eventually, by sharing the rituals for earth God in the Shinkoong(神宮) and the great, medium and little sacrificial rituals of noted mountains to a certain degree, the installation of Sajik seems to be completed at the relatively late period, during the reign of King Seondeok.

신라의 오역(五逆)과 통치이념

한영화 ( Young Hwa Han ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.53

Silla had positively accepted Tang’s system through an active relationship between the two countries since the 640``s. A series of reforms were carried out through the King Jindeok, Taejong Muyeol, Munmu, Sinmun. The purpose of the reform was in order to establishing a vertical relationship of the Confucian ideology and political system of China. And the substantial work has led to the provision of institutional mechanisms, such as Kukhak(國學), Dokseosampumgwa(讀書三品科) and the maintenance of ritual and yulryeong. This thesis is confirmed the ruling ideology and dealt with the problem of gaps in actual operation since Silla’s middle period by configuring the content and nature of the five-reverse(五逆). The Five-reverse(五逆) as the exclusion of pardon not only was based on the common five-precept(世俗五戒) as the traditional social norms of Silla but also was acculturation by Tang’s Ten-evil(十惡). It was consisted of the rebellion[謀反(叛)罪], the high treason(大逆罪), the injustice(不義罪) and the immorality(不道罪). The Disloyalty(不忠) and Unfilial behavior(不孝) in the five-reverse’s category should be punished but the Knowledge of the Confucian filial piety could not be effective practice of Confucian ethics soon. A typical example was the case of Yoedong the mother beat. Eventually the state made possible a legal basis for punishment for the ``Unfilial behavior`` award for being the subject of filial piety.

한국고대사회의 형벌권의 추이 : 율령' 반포 이전을 중심으로

한영화(Han Young-hwa) 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.47

The purpose of this paper is to investigate a change in the power of punishment in Ancient society of Korea. Therefore the contents and properties of the punishment of GoJoseon(古朝鮮), Buyeo(夫餘), Koguryo(高句麗) etc. were checked. And Time category was limited to previous period of the Yulryeong (律令) promulgated. Generlly, the contents of the violation of bans(犯禁) in the most societies including 'Beomgeum 8 clauses' (犯禁8條) of GoJoseon(古朝鮮) were murder, injury, theft etc. and these clauses were the most basic and universal elements in the most societies, which regulated members of community. But another aspect in terms of punishment appeared because each society had different folkways(習俗) and customs(慣習) by the natural and social conditions. For example, the shared recognition of atonement for the theft in GoJoseon(古朝鮮), neglecting of the jealous wife's body in Buyeo(夫餘) etc. Most of these punishments for sins based on the band within the community. But with the advent of increasing power, it controlled the community and executed the punishment compulsorily. The operation of the power of punishment concretized by the ruling classes in the rites of Younggo(迎鼓) and Dongmaeng(東盟). In the rites, the King was given legitimacy by the God and confirmed rank inside the ruling classes. Every Ga(加) who were representative of each Bu(部) judged a capital offense in the rites though their's conference. One step further, a standing Aristocratic Conference (貴族會議) made a decision about a matter of Kingdom's importance. For example, the decision to perform a war, successIon to the throne, penal administration ect. In the process of a power struggle between King & Co., the King had a monopoly of power. And he promulgated the Y ulryeong(律令) that supported power institutionally. Therefore, promulgation of the Yulryeong(律令) meant that the vertical order for centering the king was needed and this action gave absolutes to the throne.

신라 상대의 王命과 “國法”의 성립 과정

한영화(Han, Young-hwa) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.85

한국 고대사회에서 통치시스템은 왕권을 가늠하는 중요한 척도이다. 특히 율령의 반포와 시행의 문제는 항상 주요한 논쟁의 대상이었다. 5∼6세기에 걸쳐서 나타난 신라의 비들은 이러한 논쟁에서 핵심적인 내용을 제공하였으며, 그 중심에는 敎가 있었다. 교의 등장은 문서 행정과 연관되는 것으로, 왕의 명령을 교라는 문서를 통해 하달, 시행하는 시스템이 작동함을 의미하였다. 그러므로 왕의 명령과 교의상관관계를 검토하는 것은 왕권의 실질적 내용을 파악하는 데에 중요한 연결고리라 생각된다. 왕의 命과 令은 마립간 시기를 거치면서 제도의 마련, 정비와 연관되어 있었다. 왕의 명령의 실질적인 문서인 교는 『삼국사기』에는 법흥왕대 등장했으나, 금석문 자료에서는 마립간 시기부터 등장하였다. 마립간 시기는 고구려와의 관계를 통해 새로운 제도와 문물이 들어왔을 뿐만 아니라, 이를 계기로 제도의 마련 및 정비의 여건이 마련되는 시점이었다는 것을 상기할 필요가 있다. 금석문 자료에 의하면 교는 “共論”을 통해 발포되기는 하나, 점차 법흥왕대를 거치면서 불교와 율령을 기반으로 왕이 지배층 내부에서 배타적 권력을 독점해 나갔으며 〈적성비〉 단계에서는 왕 단독으로 교를 발포하였던 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 그 과정에서 나타났던 〈적성비〉의 “국법”은 결국 법흥왕과 진흥왕대를 거쳐 확장된 영역에 보편적이고 동일한 법을 관철시키려는 모습을 단적으로 보여주는 것이라 하겠다. 다만 지방에서는 중앙의 현실적인 지배력이 작동하였다고 하더라도 아직 토착신앙과 관습법을 율령적 사고로 전환시키는 데에는 시간이 걸릴 수밖에 없었을 것이다. 〈냉수리비〉와 〈봉평리비〉에서 교의 반포와 함께 행해졌던 “살우” 제의와 誓詞는 여전히 지방민에게 왕의 권위가 하늘로부터 보증받는 것이라는 것에 의미를 둔 것이었다면, 〈남산신성비 〉 단계에서의 법의 운운과 서사는 이를 극복하고 왕이 법이나 제도를 통해 일반 민들을 통제할 수 있음을 보여준 것이라 할 수 있다. In ancient Korea, the ruling system was an important measure of royal authority. Especially Promulgation and enforcement of Yulryeong(律令) have always been subjects for a major dispute. The stelai of Shilla in the 5<SUP>th</SUP> and 6<SUP>th</SUP> centuries provided core contents to this dispute, and at the center was Gyo(敎). The appearance of Gyo was related to the document administration, that means the system that issues and enforces King’s command through the document Gyo worked. Therefore, the examination of correlation between King’s command and Gyo is a critical link to understand the actual contents of royal authority. The King’s Myeong(命) and Ryeong(令) were related to the preparation and maintenance of the system through the Maripkan(麻立干) period. Gyo, the actual document of King’s command, appeared during the reign of King Beopheung(法興王) in 『The Chronicles of the Three States(三國史記)』. However, it appeared during the Maripkan period in epigraphic record. It is worth reminding that during the Maripkan period new systems and cultures were introduced through the relation with Koguryo(高句麗) and as a result, conditions for the preparation and maintenance of the system were prepared. According to the epigraphic record, Gyo was promulgated through deliberation(共論). As King gradually dominated the exclusive power within the ruling class based on Buddhism and Yulryeong, he alone promulgated the Gyo in the Silla Stele of Juksung in Tanyang(丹陽新羅赤城碑) stage. The state law mentioned in the Silla Stele of Juksung in Tanyang directly shows the attempt to push on universal and same law to expanded area during the reign of King Beopheung and King Jinheung(眞興王). However, even if the central power dominated the provinces, it still took time to convert indigenous religion and common law into Yulreoyong way of thinking. Killing a cow(殺牛) ceremony and oath(誓詞), which were performed at the same time as the promulgation of Gyo in the Silla Stele of Naengsuri in Yeongil(迎日冷水里新羅碑) and the Silla Stele of Bongpeungri in Uljin(蔚珍鳳坪里新羅碑), still mean to the locals that the king"s authority is guaranteed from heaven. However, the comment and narrative of the law in the Stele of Sinsung at Mt. Nam(南山新城碑) shows that now the king can control the people through law or system.