MODEM의 자동제어기 & 프로그램에 관한 연구

한상도,Han Sang-Do 한국국방경영분석학회 1991 한국국방경영분석학회지 Vol.17 No.2

one of the problems the users of DPS-6/45 used to face in the course of having access to work stations was that a telephone call has to be made manually every time to have receiver's modem on or off, and naturally it meant the waste of manpower as well as of time. A program has been worked out to automatically operate and control. utilizing the system clock within the main computer (DPS-6/45), the on/off switch on the modems. It has resulted in; 1) promotion in operability of the main computer, DPS-6/45 2) prevention of unnecessary telephone calls 3) curtailment of expenditure and manpower

해방정국기 민족문화 재건 논의의 내용과 성격

한상도(Han Sang-Do) 한국사학회 2008 史學硏究 Vol.- No.89

해방정국기의 최우선 과제는 자주적인 민족국가 건설과 민족문화의 재건이었다. 민족문화 재건을 위해서는 일제 식민잔재와 봉건적 잔재의 극복이 우선적으로 요구되었다. 만일 식민잔재의 청산이 그 자체로서 최종목표였더라면, 민족문화의 재건은 배타적이고 국수적인 모습을 드러냈을 것이다. 그러나 전통문화의 소중함을 재인식하는 바탕 위에서 세계문화를 받아들임으로써, 식민잔재 청산 논리에 도사리고 있는 배타적이고 국수적인 한계를 극복할 수 있으리라고 기대하였다. 한 걸음 나아가 민족문화가 세계문화 차원에서 재건됨으로써, 국제사회에서도 위상을 확보해야 한다고 강조했다. 국제정치 환경의 변화에 대처할 수 있는 능력을 갖추는 일이 세계문화의 일원이 되는 관건임을 깨달았던 것이다. 또 재건될 민족문화는 일부 계급 및 계층의 전유물이 아니라, 개방적이고 대중적인 체제를 갖추어야 한다고 인식하였다. 그러기에 민족문화 재건운동이 국가적ㆍ사회적 합의를 토대로 하여, 조직적ㆍ중장기적으로 추진되길 기대하였다. 하지만 식민잔재 청산 작업이 채 끝나기도 전에, 냉전체제의 현실이 덮쳤다. 이성적인 접근을 통한 과거사 정리 작업은 불가능해졌고, 민족문화의 재건 또한 비전을 상실했다. 민족문화 재건운동 또한 국제정치적 역학관계로부터 자유로울 수 없었던 것이다. 민족문화 재건을 위한 논의와 노력이 결실 맺지 못한 한계는 분단체제의 고착과 맞물려서, 민족문화 재건에 대한 우려를 심화시켰다. 자유민주주의와 공산주의 체제라는 융합할 수 없는 세계관 속에서 우리 글과 말의 편차는 더욱 커졌고, 예술ㆍ문화 등 제방면에 있어서 이질화 또한 급속도로 진행되었다. 민족문화 재건 논의는 여전히 숙제로 남아 있는 것이다. It was the founding of the independent nation and the reconstruction of national culture that were the most urgent task in the years of US military governance. It was required ahead of all for rehabilitation of national culture, to overcome vestiges of Japanese colonization and of feudalism. The Reconstruction of national culture would have been the exclusive and extremely nationalistic, If the final object was to liquidate the vestiges of colonization. It was, however, expected to surmount cliquism and ultra nationalism, harbored in the theory of elimination of colonial remnants, through comprehending world culture on the ground of rediscovering the value of tradition. Furthermore, It was emphasized to secure international position by restoring national culture to be world culture. Cultivating ability for the flexible international political environment must have been recognized with great importance, to be a portion of world culture. Also, national culture, which would be revived, was perceived not to be solely possessed to some classes, but be public and open. Accordingly, movement for restoration of the national culture was hoped to be pushed on methodically with national? social accord, in the long term. By the way the founding of the independent nation footing stroke the realities even before the end of the clearance of colonization. It came to be impossible to do liquidation of bygones in rational approach, and brought about the lost of vision for reviving national culture besides. That means, the movement for restoration of national culture could not be free from the theory of power in international politics.

해방정국기 김원봉의 정치활동

한상도(Han, Sang-do) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2018 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.64

1945년 12월 1일 대한민국임시정부 군무부장 자격으로 귀국한 김원봉은 “우리군대는 농민 즉 인민의 군대다. 농민의 이익을 위하여 싸우고 또 보호하겠다.” 장차 조직될 국군은 대다수 피지배계급의 안전을 지켜주어야 한다고 강조하였다. ‘민중이 중심이 되고 주체가 되어야 한다’는 인식이었다. 이와 함께 귀국 직후 그는 주요 정치세력들과의 연대에 적극적이었는데, 이는 독립운동 시기 협동전선운동의 연장선상에서 좌우합작에 대한 의지가 강했음을 알려준다. 그러다가 비상정치회의와 대한독립촉성중앙협의회가 통합함으로써 임정법통론이 꺾이는 결과를 낳자, 그는 성주식·김성숙 등과 임정을 탈퇴하였다. 그의 귀착지는 민전이라는 좌익 통일전선이었다. 국가 건설의 주도권 장악을 목표로 하는 정치적 경쟁이라는 현실을 선택한 셈이다. 민전의장으로서 김원봉의 활동은 민전의 주도권을 쥐고 있던 공산주의자들의 주장에 부응하는 결과로 나타났지만, 그는 조선민족혁명당(나중의 인민공화당)을 발판으로 독자적인 정치행보를 견지하고자 하였다. 하지만 1946년 9월 총파업과 10월 항쟁 이래 미군정의 압박이 강화되면서 그 만큼 운신의 폭도 좁아졌다. 물론 ‘비공산주의 계열의 좌익 지도자’라는 평가처럼, 미군정 관리로 근무한 미국인의 눈에 비친 김원봉은 선택의 여지가 있었더라면, 공산주의자들과 얽히지 않았을 인물이었으리라는 아쉬움을 남기기도 했지만, 아군과 적군의구분이 명확했던 해방정국기의 정치상황에서 연민이나 안타까움이 그를 보호해 줄 수는 없었다. 그는 좌익세력의 결집체인 민전의 의장일 뿐이었다. 그러던 중 1947년 7월 여운형이 암살됨에 따라 새로운 파트너가 필요했을 북로당의 입장에서는 김원봉의 존재감에 주목하였을 개연성과 함께, 같은 해 가을 월북하여 북로당 지도부와 임시헌법 제정 문제 등을 논의했다는 사실 등은 그와 북로당의 연계관계가 축적되고 있었음을 시사한다. 이러한 상황에서 남한만의 단독선거 가능성이 높아짐에 따라, 김원봉에게 평양은 삶의 도피처이자 새로운 활동무대로서 기대감을 갖게 하였을 것이다. 1947년 가을 한국문제가 유엔으로 이관되면서 더 이상 그가 설 땅은 없어졌고, 1948년 4월 ‘남북연석회의’ 참가 명목으로 북행길에 올랐다. On December 1, 1945, Kim Won Bong who returned to his country as a Head of Military Affairs in Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea emphasized that the nation’s forces will be organized in the future should protect the safety of the subjugated class, mentioning “Our nation’s forces is people’s forces. We will fight and protect the profit of peasants”. At the same time, he was active in the solidarity with major political powers. From this, we could find that he had a strong will of Right-and-Left Joint Movement in the line with the Cooperation Front in the period of independent movement. As the Political Council and Korean Independent Central Council were combined, and Legal Genealogical Theory of the Provisional Government was broken, Kim Won Bong left the Provisional Government with Seong Ju-Sik and Kim Seong-Suk. His final destination was the left-united front, Democratic People’s Front. He finally chose the reality of political rivalries which aimed the seizing initiative of nation building. Although Kim Won Bong’s activities as a president of Democratic People’s Front resulted to meet the insistence of communists taking the leadership of Democratic People’s Front, he adhered to his own political move based on Chosen National Revolutionary Party(after People Republican Party). However, after the general strike on September 1946 and struggle on October, his activities became so precarious strengthen the pressure of US Military Government. As an assessment that he was a ‘the Noncommunist left-leader’, although in the eyes of an American worked in US Military Government, if Kim Won Bong had a room of selection, he was not involved with communists. Meanwhile, as Lyuh Woon-hyung was assassinated in July 1947, the fact that Kim Won-Bong received the attention of Buklodang which needed the new partner, while he defected to North Korea in the same year and discussed the establish of temporary constitution with leadership of Buklodang implied that the relationship between Kim Won-Bong and Buklodang was cumulated. In this situation, as the possibility of single-handed election in South Korea has risen, for Kim Won-bong Pyongyang was a refuge of his life and had expectations as a new political stage. As the issues of Korea was transferred to UN in the fall on 1947, he had no place in South Korea, and he defected to North Korea under the name of participation in the Joint Conference of North and South in April 1948.

활성제 Cu(2+)및 Mn(2+) 도핑농도에 따른 ZnS:Mn,Cu,Cl 형광체의 광학적 특성

한상도 ( Sang Do Han ),권애경 ( Ae Kyung Kwon ),이학수 ( Hak Soo Lee ),한치환 ( Chi Hwan Han ),김정덕 ( Jung Duk Kim ),곽지혜 ( Ji Hye Gwak ) 한국센서학회 2006 센서학회지 Vol.15 No.5

김원봉의 조선혁명군사정치간부학교 운영 ( 1932 ∼ 35 ) 과 그 입교생

한상도 ( Sang Do Han ) 일지사 1989 韓國學報 Vol.15 No.4

국제적 반제국주의 연대투쟁으로서의 한국독립운동 : 중일전쟁 전후 중국지역을 중심으로

한상도(Sang-Do Han) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2006 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.26

金九의 韓人軍官學校(1934~35) 운영과 그 입교생

韓相禱(Han Sang-Do) 한국사연구회 1987 한국사연구 Vol.58 No.-

수소센서 기술의 고찰과 최근동향

한상도 ( Sang Do Han ) 한국센서학회 2010 센서학회지 Vol.19 No.2

Hydrogen is emerging as clean fuel and important industrial raw materials. The hydrogen gas is not sensed by the human olfactory system, But the combustion characteristics of hydrogen is that the ignition is very easy, the propagation speed of the flame is very fast and explosion limits is a wide range of 4%~75%. Therefore it is extremely in danger, and the need for its leakage detection technologies is especially important in places such as a production, transportation, storage and usage. The hydrogen sensors are classified with ceramic type, semiconductor type, optical type, electrochemical type and so on. Hydrogen sensors and their technologies are reviewed in detail for materials, fabrication process, sensing characteristics, good point and faults, and production and utilization of sensors be discussed.

일제 침략기 한국인의 베트남 인식과 연대의식

韓相禱(Han Sang-do) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.201

I studied the Koreans' recognition of Vietnam and Korean independence fighters' feeling of solidarity on Vietnamese independence movement in this article. The image of Vietnam which Koreans had during the Japanese colonial rule can be described by the phrase of 'misery loves company.' Korean newspapers tried to remind the reading public of the brutality and illegality of Japanese colonial rule through their reports of the situation of French colonial rule of Vietnam. In particular, as they described the colonization process of Vietnam as the policy of seclusion during Ha-Eung Lee's grasping political power, they intended to ask the Korean people to reflect on themselves and speculate modem Korean history. Through their description of the realities of French colonial rule of Vietnam, they induced the Korean people to think about the Japanese colonial policy of Korea and the realities of Korean society. They introduced the armed uprising of Vietnamese soldiers in February, 1930 in priority in their description of the Vietnamese anti-French independence movement. This report served as a momentum to trigger the Koreans' response and interest in Vietnam. And they grasped the armed uprising as the fruits of the efforts by "National Independence Party of Vietnam" which had scrupulously prepared the armed uprising internally although it was claimed to stand for a legal movement superficially, In this point, the report savored of a feeling of the lack of an uncompromising legal movement in Korean society which was represented by Singanhoi movement (Anti-Japanese unified front) in the latter half of 1920s. And it became known that the bodies of the Korean independence movement in China had generally estimated Vietnam and the power of the Vietnamese independence movement as an object of an alliance for an international anti-imperialist and anti-Fascist solidarity in East Asia. Since the Japanese troop advanced into Vietnam and stayed there in September, 1940, their expression on the feeling of solidarity on Vietnam has been toned up still more. Though the interim Korea's government in French concession in Shanghai since its establishment in April, 1919 was not in the situation to express its support of the Vietnamese independence movement and its feeling of solidarity directly, it actively and strongly revealed its feeling of support and solidarity in general. In particular, Joseon Volunteer Army which took part in the independence movement in Guangxi, near the area close to the border of Vietnam expressed its continuous friendship and interest in the Vietnamese independence movement through its publication like "Joseon Volunteer Army" and "Fellow Soldiers in the Orient (Dongbangjeonwoo)". Doo-San Lee, the central figure of the publication "Fellow Soldiers in the Orient"paid close attention to the Vietnamese independence movement. He emphasized a joint anti-Japanese struggle through the international solidarity of the oppressed people. Also he emphasized that Vietnamese independence movement should keep the character of a people revolution and be wary of compromise, middle-grade executives should be trained, and it was important to emhance the capability of a mass struggle in Vietnam. Doo-San Lee's letter was read aloud at the meeting for the establishment of Vietnamese National Liberation League in April, 1941 in response to his proposal and this means that there were mutual trust and the feeling of solidarity between the bodies of the independence movement of the two countries.

중국 제1차 국공합작 및 국민혁명에 대한 한국인의 반향

한상도(Han Sang-Do) 한국사학회 2007 史學硏究 Vol.- No.85

일제 침략기 한인들은 중국 제1차 국공합작과 국민혁명의 성공을 한국의 독립과 해방을 위한 선행단계로 인식하였다. 국공합작과 국민혁명의 이념이었던 三民主義에 대한 해석은 대체로 좌경적인 경향을 띠었던 것으로 파악된다. 이는 삼민주의이론 자체에 내포되어 있는 친공산주의적인 성향과, 1920년대 식민지 한국사회 지식인그룹의 진보적인 역사관이 어우러진 결과로 평가할 수 있다. 國共合作에 대한 이해에 있어서는, 공산당원의 개별적인 국민당 입당 사실이 國民革命의 성취를 위한 것이요, 공산혁명의 ‘즉각 실현’을 위한 것은 아니라고 함으로써, 공산주의운동을 반제국주의 민족운동의 테두리 안에서 파악하였다. 한인들의 국민혁명 참여는 자발적이고 적극적인 양상을 띠었으며, 북벌전 참전으로 실천에 옮겨졌다. 적지않은 한인이 희생된 北伐戰場에서의 체험은 한인독립운동의 역량 강화와 항일진로 설정의 필요성에 대한 자각으로 이어졌으며, 그 같은 고민은 항일민족운동전선을 재정비하려는 노력으로 구체화되었다. 한인들은 국공합작 결렬의 일차적인 책임을 국민당 우파에게 묻는 등, 친공적인 경향을 띠었던 것으로 드러난다. 이는 다음의 사실과 인과관계에 있을 것이다. 일차적으로 ‘先安內後攘外’를 포함한 국민당정부의 정치노선에 대한 저항감을 꼽을 수 있겠다. 제국주의세력의 침략을 물리치는 일이 일차적 목표인 민족해방운동의 입장에서 볼 때, 제국주의 침략 세력과 타협적이고 때로는 굴종적인 모습마저 보이기도 하는 국민당정부의 입장은 쉽게 용납되지 않았을 것이다. 반면에 반외세반제국주의 투쟁이라는 선명한 기치를 내건 중국공산당의 모습은 젊은 한인혁명가들의 기대와 동경을 채워줄 수 있었을 것이다. 국공합작의 붕괴를 분기점으로 하여, 중국국민당정부 관할구역에서 활동하던 한인공산주의그룹은 활동기반을 상실하였고, 중국공산당의 구심력 안으로 흡인되고 말았다. 그리하여 1920년대 후반이후 중국관내지역에서 전개된 한인독립운동의 양상은 기본적으로 중국국민당정부와의 연대ㆍ우호관계를 대전제로 한 민족주의 우파세력과 좌파세력의 공존 및 대립 구도를 밑그림으로 삼기에 이르렀다. 이와 함께 한인독립운동이 國共合作과 國民革命이라고 하는 중국근대사의 흐름에까지 그 외연을 확대함으로써, 동북아시아 피압박민족의 반제국주의 민족해방운동의 일환이라는 성격을 띠기에 이르렀고, 이어지는 1930년대 ‘파시즘과 반파시즘체제의 대결’이라는 세계사 흐름에도 조응할 수 있는 자생력을 키운 경험을 축적할 수 있었던 것이다. During the period of Japanese imperialistic invasion Koreans conceived the First Coalition of Nationalist and Communist Parties and Chinese Nationalist Revolution as a preliminary stage for their independence and liberation from Japan. There was a tendency that Koreans' understanding of these political movements was tinged with communism Pro-communist elements inherent within Three Principles of the People and the revolutionary idea of history prevalent among Korean intellectuals in the 1920s are combined together and produced such a communist interpretation of Chinese politics. Communism at the time was accepted as almost identical with anti-imperialism and nationalism. Koreans' participation in Chinese Nationalist Revolution was voluntary and active. They even took part in an expedition to conquer the north, in which not a few Koreans died in action. Such an experience served to awaken Koreans a strong spirit of independence and reinforce their campaign for independence. Koreans had a pro-communist tendencies. That explained why they attributed the failure of coalition to the right wing of the National Party. To Koreans whose primary concern was to stop the Japanese imperialist invasion, the government of the Chinese Nationalist party appeared to be too reconciliatory toward and too submissive to Japan. It was generally recognized that Chinese communist party was inflexibly anti-imperialistic, and thus seen favorably by young revolutionary Koreans. But with the collapse of the coalition, the group of Korean communists lost its base of revolutionary activities in China, since it was located within the confines of the government of Chinese Nationalist Party. And they were forced to be assimilated into Chinese Communist Party. The importance of Korean independence movement in China cannot be overestimated. Korean independence movement was associated with, and became part of the turbulent history of modern China, sharing its lot with the First Coalition of Nationalist and Communist Parties and Chinese Nationalist Revolution. And it should be remembered that Korean resistance to Japan's imperialism was made not only for Koreans themselves but for all the oppressed in the northeast Asia: the cause of Korean independence movement became more and more universal, transcending its regional character. Thus the experience of such an resistance activity matured into an autogenous force to deal with an international situation such as the confrontation between fascism and anti-fascism in 1930s.