군산항 VTS의 영어교신 분석에 관한 연구

차재권(Jaegwon Cha) 한국항해항만학회 2021 한국항해항만학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2021 No.5

정당공천제의 제도 효과 분석

차재권(Cha, Jaekwon) 한국정치정보학회 2017 정치정보연구 Vol.20 No.2

본 연구는 다음과 같은 두 가지 목적을 갖고 있다. 먼저, 2018년 제7회 전국동시지방선거를 앞두고, 논란의 중심이 되었던 기초의원 정당공천제가 제도 도입 이후 어떤 효과를 거두어 왔는지를 살펴본다. 다음으로, 지난 2014년에 실시된 6.4지방선거에서 동 제도가 목표로 했던 바의 성과를 거두는 데 기여하였는지를 이전의 역대 지방선거와 6.4지방선거의 결과를 비교분석함으로써 기초의회에 대한 정당공천의 존폐 여부에 대한 새로운 판단의 근거를 얻고자 한다. 연구 결과, 최근의 계속된 지방선거 과정에서 비례대표제의 확대실시, 중선거구제의 도입, 정당공천제의 확대, 여성공천할당제의 도입 등 여러 가지 제도적 변화들이 모색되어 왔지만 이러한 제도의 도입은 그 제도가 목적한 바의 소기의 성과를 쉽게 얻어내진 못했다. 가장 최근의 지방선거였던 2014년 6.4 지방선거 역시 이러한 지방선거의 문제점들을 한꺼번에 개선하기에는 역부족이었다. 특히 정당공천과 관련된 여러 가지 논란에도 불구하고 정당공천의 효과에 대한 객관적인 입증이 불가능해지면서 정당공천제의 존폐를 놓고 여론 분열이 이어지고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 정당공천제 존폐 논쟁은 민주주의적 규범의 측면과 현실적인 제도적 효율성의 차원에서 매우 균형 있게 바라볼 필요가 있음을 주장한다. 결국 제도적 효율성에 대한 객관적인 판단 기준이 모호하기 때문에 규범적 당위성의 차원에서 보다 전향적으로 정당공천제의 존속을 고려할 필요가 있다. 다만 정당공천제가 그간 누적해온 폐단을 최소화하기 위한 다양한 제도 개선의 노력이 필요할 뿐이다. This research has two different research goals as follows. First of all, it aims to find an answer for the question of what kind of institutional impact the Party-Nomination System for local councils was made prior to the 7th Local Election. Next, it also aims to get new judgement criteria for the survival of the party-nomination system for local councils by comparing the electoral outcome of the 6.4 local election with the previous local elections. As a result, although various kinds of institutional changes such as the expansion of proportional representation system, the adoption of the system of having medium-sized constituencies, the expansion of party-nomination system were pursued in the continuing local elections, the adoption of such institutional arrangements did not seem easily to achieve the targeted policy goal of that specific policy goal. The 6.4 Local Election in 2014 also showed that it was hard to improve those problems of local elections. In particular, the division of public opinion about the existence of party-nomination system when the objective way of proving the actual impact of party-nomination in spite of various types of controversy.

학문후속세대의 연구윤리 준수 현황과 과제: 정치학 분야 연구자를 중심으로

차재권 ( Jae Kwon Cha ),서영조 ( Young Jo Suh ) 동의대학교 지방자치연구소 2013 공공정책연구 Vol.30 No.1

본 논문은 정치학을 포함한 인문사회계열의 학문후속세대들이 처해 있는 열악한 연구 환경이 어떤 것이며, 그러한 연구 환경의 열악함이 그들의 연구 행태와 성과에 어떤 부정적 영향을 미치게 되는지를 살펴보고, 문제점을 개선하기 위한 나름의 대안을 모색해 보는데 일차적인 목적을 두고 있다. 연구 결과, 인문사회계열의 학문후속세대들은 학연을 중심으로‘학문후속세대의 하층부(석석·박사과정 재학생)-학문후속세대 상층부(박사학위를 취득한 비전임 강사·연구원)-학문기성세대(전임 대학교원·연구원)’로 이루어진 위계구조에서 심한 경우 이중의 억압구조에 묶여 자신의 의지와 관계없이 연구윤리 위반을 강요당하고 있음을 발견하였다. 또한 학문후속세대에게 강요되는 이와 같은 불합리한 위계구조는 단 기간에 양적 팽창을 이룩한 학문공동체 내의 무한 경쟁에 의해 확대 재생산되고 있으며, 국가 주도의 연구 지원 사업에 의해 연구의 규격화와 지나친 상품화가 전개되면서 더욱 고착화되어 가고 있음을 발견하였다. 따라서 이러한 문제점을 해결하기 위해서는 무엇보다 먼저 학문후속세대의 안정적 연구환경 조성을 위한 연구지원 시스템이 구축될 필요가 있으며, 아울러 성과주의와 계량화에 기초한 학문정책을 탈피하여 창의적인 연구 성과를 생산해 낼 수 있는 개방형 연구문화를 조성하려는 노력이 펼쳐질 필요가 있다. This paper aims to find relevant answers for such research questions as what kinds of poor research conditions with which researchers in humanities and social science including political science have been coping and how such poor quality of research conditions has systematically and negatively affected their research behaviors and outcomes, and to suggest some alternative solutions necessary for the improvement of those problems. Research outcome shows that, strongly bounded with their own hierarchical academic linkage normally formed between or among ‘the lower layer of the post-graduate generation(researcher in master or doctoral level programs), the upper layer of the post-graduate generation(part-time lecturers or researchers), and the existing generation of academics(full-time professors or researchers), post-graduate researchers in humanities and social sciences are urged to violate research ethics with no relation with their own academic will. In addition, it also shows that this kind of unreasonable academic hierarchy has been expansively reproduced by unlimited competitions within an academic community which expanded its research volume within a very short period of time and has been further fixed along with the standardization and commercialization of research by the government-led research support system. Therefore it, first of all, is necessary to establish a relevant research support system for the formation of stable research environment and then to make an effort to create open culture of research permitting creative research outputs by being derailed from the performance and quantification based system.

한미FTA의 경제적 파급효과와 대응과제

차재권(Cha, Jaekwon) 동아시아국제정치학회 2008 국제정치연구 Vol.11 No.2

지방자치단체 환경 거버넌스의 비교연구: 부산과 인천의 지방의제 21 실천 과정과 성과를 중심으로

차재권 ( Jae Kwon Cha ) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2008 社會科學論集 Vol.39 No.1

상호작용적 네트워크형 지역 경제성장 모델과 부산의 지역발전

차재권(CHA JAE KWON),류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.2

Based on the existing theoretical and empirical research outcomes for regional economic growth, this research aims to analyze basic explanatory variables necessary for the establishment of regional economic growth model well reflecting the political, social, and economic features of the Busan Metropolitan City. Therefore it deals with various issues associated with the establishment of regional economic growth model widely ranging from the appropriate utilization of relevant variables that can explain the real pictures of regional economic growth to the exploration of extra explanatory variables that have never been applied with a full scale in the existing models of regional economic growth. It also focuses on the main problems of pre-established analytical frameworks applied for the empirical analysis of regional economic growth and the investigation of new empirical framework that can more precisely measure the effect of variables having an influence on regional economic growth. As its results, it can successfully establish the new VAR model(Vector Auto-Regression Model) including such various explanatory variables as aging-society index, the general trust level of regional community, the level of financial infrastructure, and proxy variables for the efficiency of local politics traditional production components by establishing long-term time-series data for the causal analysis of single regional economic growth.

“신뢰할 만한 커미트먼트” 이론과 커미트먼트의 측정

차재권(CHA JAE KWON) 21세기정치학회 2006 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.16 No.3

By analyzing the impact of government credible commitment on private investments, the theory of credible commitment offers a new perspective of political economy for economic development resulting from the stimulation of private investment in response to government's self-restraint. However, existing literatures of credible commitment have some theoretical and empirical limitations. First, they neglect the theoretical importance of bureaucratic delegation reflecting theoretical considerations on such issues as liberalization, privatization, and deregulation, all of which naturally emerge in a process of economic development. Second, they mostly and heavily rely on qualitative data measured in a form of nominal or categorical variable rather than on quantitative data including interval or ratio variables. Third, they mainly focus on national-economy-level analysis of political economic phenomena rather than on sector- or firm-level analysis. To refine the theory of credible commitment theoretically and empirically, this paper attempts to insert bureaucratic delegation into a set of explanatory variables including monitoring and punishment, to deepen our understanding of the components of credible commitment by measuring them in a numeric(quantitative) form rather than in a nominal(qualitative) form, and to extend our empirical concerns to industry(or sector) micro level analysis.

의회정치에서의 다양한 계층제(hierarchy)의 작동 메커니즘: 4개국 중앙-지방의회 관계 유형 분석을 중심으로

차재권 ( Cha Jaekwon ),전용주 ( Jeon Yongjoo ) 한국세계지역학회 2017 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.35 No.1

본 연구는 중앙정부와 다양한 층위의 지방정부로 이루어지는 다층적인 정치체제 하에서의 중앙 및 지방 의회 간 권력 관계의 본질을 이론적, 경험적 차원에서 분석하여 이론적 설명 모형을 도출하고 그것을 멕시코, 스페인, 미국 등 다양한 정치체제에서 나타나는 중앙-지방의회 관계의 경험적 분석에 적용해 봄으로써 우리나라 지방자치의 발전을 위한 건전한 국회-지방의회 관계의 이상형(ideal type)을 구현하기 위한 제도적 개선 방안을 제시하는데 목적을 두고 있다. 연구 결과, 우리나라와 같은 제1유형(단방제-중앙집권) 국가의 국회-지방의회 관계는 다른 제2~4유형의 국가들에서는 찾아볼 수 없는 우리만의 독특한 국회-지방의회 관계를 구축한 것으로 나타났다. 우리의 국회-지방의회 관계나 다층적 거버넌스 체계와 가장 유사한 국가는 의외로 스페인이나 멕시코와 같은 혼종형 국가들이 아니라 정당체계의 분권화 정도가 높고 강력한 연방제를 채택하고 있는 제4유형의 미국임을 알 수 있었다. 제2유형의 스페인이나 제3유형의 멕시코의 경우에는 각각 오랜 기간 권위주의적인 독재체제를 경험한 바 있다. 하지만 그러한 체제가 들어서기 이전의 역사적 경험이 권위주의 체제의 붕괴 이후에 매우 빠른 속도로 시스템의 선순환 즉, 정당체계의 분권화와 연방제적 성격의 강화를 가져왔음을 알 수 있다. This research aims to achieve the following research goals. First of all, it attempts to build a theoretical explanatory model by exploring the theoretical and empirical relations between central and local legislative bodies under a multi-level political system which comprises of a central government and various levels of local government. In addition, by applying the theoretical models to a few typical case of relations between central and local legislative bodies it also makes an effort to find some measures of institutional improvement for materializing an ideal type of appropriate relationship between central and local legislative bodies supposed to enhance the development of local autonomy in Korea. As a result, the first-type relationship(Unitary-Central) between central and local legislative bodies including Korea formed a unique type of relationship between central and local legislative bodies which cannot be found in other three types of relations. The most similar system with Korea`s unique type of Nation Assembly-local councils relationship and multi-level governance system was not the hybrid system such as Spain and Mexico but the U.S. as a country which has fourth-type relationship between central and local legislative bodies which adopted a strong federalism and experienced higher level of decentralization of party system. In case of Spain in the second type relationship and Mexico in the third type relationship, both of them have already experienced authoritarian dictatorship for a long time. However, some historical experiences taken before the establishment of such authoritarian system helped them to quickly reinforce the decentralization of party system and federalist nature of the system after the collapse of the authoritarian system.

지역경제성장을 위한 다양한 실험과 도전들 : 실리콘밸리에서 소피아 앙티폴리스까지

차재권(Jae Kwon Cha),주인석(In Suck Joo) 동아시아국제정치학회 2015 국제정치연구 Vol.18 No.1

This research attempts to commit a comparative case study based on the Most Similar Systems Design covering four different successful cases of regional innovation system such as Silicon Valley in the United States, Sophia Antipolis in France, Cambridge Science Park in Great Britain, and Kista Science City in Sweden. This comparative case analysis takes eight different components from three different realms for comparison: main actors(their presence, characteristics, attitude), institutions(central-local government relation, network initiators, state-capital relation), infrastructure(knowledge-based, technological, and financial infrastructure). The Research outcome shows that each case of both Silicon Valley and Sophia Antipolis well illustrates contrasting successes of regional innovation systems, each of which is separately driven by the private sector or the public sector. Although the two cases reveal a contrasting aspect against each other, they are exactly identical in terms that after the initial period of establishment their network organizations have been driven by the private sector rather than by the public sector. These findings well evidence that it would be necessary that public-initiated regional innovation system development like a Korean case, also needs to take appropriate policy measures for the transition of leading power group from the public sector to the private sector in the further process of network establishment in order to get more successful outcome.

Women's Political Representation

CHA JAE KWON(차재권) 21세기정치학회 2004 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.14 No.2

Despite continuous efforts to increase women’s political participation in many countries, it still remains very limited in light of their political representation not only in less‐developed or developing countries but also highly developed and democratic societies. This paper tries to find influential factors in explaining the dearth of women’s political participation by developing cross‐national multiple regression models, which cover 85 cases. First, similar to the previous research outcomes, the presence of proportional representation results in high percentage level of woman legislators in national legislative offices. Other political factors such as the presence of women’s independent political organization and the ideological orientation of ruling party remain statistically insignificant. Second, unlike the previous research outcomes, both socio-economic and cultural factor reveal somewhat mixed results. GDP growth rate does not correspond with the high level of women’s legislative participation in the Reduced Model while GDP per capita remains statistically significant. Meanwhile, the research result reveals that both public expenditures for education and the experience of communism shows statistical significance in either full or reduced model, but other cultural indicators including religion and literacy remain statistically insignificant. Finally, the variables associated with organizational capacity factor indicating the level of openness and internationalization in a given society remain statistically significant and affect women’s political participation in a positive way. Judging from these findings, I conclude that women’s political participation in terms of their political representation will be better-off when a society adopts institutions designed to empower women like the proportional representation system and becomes more open toward international standards for gender equality.