1910년대 「官選」 부협의회와 평양 로컬리티 -조선인 계몽운동 세력 임명을 중심으로-

주동빈 고려사학회 2023 한국사학보 Vol.- No.93

1910년대 「관선」 부협의회는 도장관이 배타적 임명권을 가졌다. 반면 재조일본인 상공업자의 수적 열세와 조선인 사회의 구성에 따라서 조선총독부가 탐탁지 않아 하는 인물들을 임명할 수밖에 없을 수도 있었다. 조선인 계몽운동 세력이 강했던 평양이 대표 사례이다. 12개 관선 부협의회 중 평양은 조선인이 동수로 임명된 4개 부 중 하나였다. 일본인 상공업자의 수적 약세 때문으로 보인다. 재평양일본인 의원은 규슈 출신 상공업자 및 평양 3대 원로를 구심점으로 했다. 조선인 의원은 계몽운동 세력 중 ‘단군・기자 계승 의식’을 가진 이가 많았고, 신시가 기반 상공업자가 반수 이상이었다. 일부는 한말 안창호 내각 수립운동에 참여한 단체 출신이었다. 관선 평양부협의회는 조선총독부의 안정적 지역지배라는 목적과 지역상공업자들의 세금 인하 목적이 상통하는 기구였다. 그러나 3・1운동 직후 조선총독부는 조선인 의원들에게조차 협조를 구하기 어려웠다. 이 점이 1920년대 평양 지역정치를 규정했다.

金炳淵(1896~1965)의 해방 후 『평양지』 편찬과 민족주의적 식민지 기억의 차질

주동빈 한국민족운동사학회 2024 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.119

본고는 1964년 『평양지』가 식민지기 한국 민족주의의 첨병으로 자칭했지만, 자기평가에 모순이 있던 점에 주목했다. 김병연(金炳淵, 1896~1965)은 고당전ㆍ평양지간행회(이하 ‘간행회’)를 통해 『평양지』 간행을 주도했다. 그는 일제하 민족운동가이자 평양 도시정치에 깊이 개입하였으며, 해방 후 10년 간 초대 이북5도청 평안남도지사를 지냈다. 간행회는 식민지기 평양의 사회운동가들과 언론계 인사로 구성되었고, 동향 기업가들의 후원을 받았다. 식민지기 자신들은 안창호와 조만식 영도의 “민족자본” 육성과 “근대평양” 건설을 주도했으며, 민족 각성의 선구자였다고 했다. 이 관점을 중산층 사관이라 할 수 있다. 그러나 일제하평양부는 어떤 도시보다 조선인이 부(협의)회를 통해 ‘식민지 개발’의 과실을 향유했다. 북한 향토지나 훗날 한국의 식민지기 연구는 부(협의)회참여를 친일이라 했다. 따라서 일제하 평양 로컬리티의 민족주의적 재현은 해명되거나, “민족자본” 육성과 긴밀했던 부(협의)회 기억을 소거해야 했다 In 1964, Pyongyangji proclaimed itself the spearhead of Korean nationalism in colonial Korea, but this article notes the contradictions in that self-assessment. Kim Byeong-Yeon (1896-1965) led the publication of Pyongyangji through the Publication Association for Godangjeon and Pyongyangji (hereafter “Publication Association”). He was a nationalist activist under Japanese rule, deeply involved in Pyongyang's urban politics, and the first governor of South Pyongan Province of the Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces for ten years after the liberation of Korea. The Publication Association was composed of social activists and journalists from colonial Pyongyang and was sponsored by entrepreneurs from the same hometown. They considered themselves the pioneers of national awakening, leading the “national capital” and the construction of “Modern Pyongyang” under the leadership of Ahn Chang-ho and Cho Man-sik in the colonial period. This was a middle-class-centric view of history. view of the middle class. However, in Pyongyang, under the Japanese, more than in any other city, Koreans enjoyed the fruits of “colonial development” through the city assembly. The city chronicle of Pyongyang written in North Korea and later South Korean studies of the colonial period characterized participation in the city assembly as pro-Japanese. Therefore, nationalist representations of localities in Pyongyang under the Japanese had to be explained, or the memory of the Pyongyang city assembly as intimately connected to the cultivation of the “national capital” had to be erased.

1927년 평양전기 부영화와 조선인 주도 부 예산정치로의 전환

주동빈 역사문제연구소 2023 역사문제연구 Vol.27 No.3

본고는 1927년 평양전기 부영화의 성격을 살펴보았다. 첫째, 1921~1922년이 운동은 동양척식 계 전기회사의 재조일본인 군소 독점사업(평양전기)과의 병존으로 인해 일본인 간 분규로 시작되었다. 반면 1925~1926년의 운동은 조선인 전력수요자 증가에 따라 동우회가 주도하게 되었다. 둘째, 평양부윤은 재원 확보와 산업개발, 조선인 불만 해결을 위해 부영을 추진했다. 부영 첫해 요금은 일괄 약 20% 인하되었다. 셋째, 평양부윤은 고밀도의 인구밀도 해결을 위해 전기 적립금을 일부 전용하여 조선인 시가인 북부 평양 개발(서평양시가계획)을 결정했다. 전기부영은 조선인 상공업자에 대한 도시 ‘안정화’정책(“공안” 해결)으로서 의미를 갖고 있었다. 또한 부협의회 내 조선인 상공업자-전문직 중심 부 예산정치의 출발점이기도 했다. 반면 식민지의 조선인 주도 부 예산정치는 여러 난관들을함축하고 있었다. This article examines the characteristics of the electricity municipalization of Pyongyang in 1927. First, the movement began as an inter-Japanese dispute in 1921-1922 due to the new coexistence of the Oriental Development Company affiliate with a small Japanese monopoly electricity company(Pyongyang Electric Company). However, the 1925-1926 movement was driven by Donguhoe , along with a growing number of Korean electricity consumers. Second, Pyongyang `s mayor promoted the municipal management of electricity to secure city finances, develop industry, and resolve Korean grievances. In the year of the municipalization, all electricity rates were reduced by approximately 20%. Third, the mayor decided to divert some of the financial reserves designated for electricity to develop a Korean town, North Pyongyang (referred to “West Pyongyang Town Plan”), to address the prevailing high population density. The municipalization of electricity was meant to be part of a policy of urban “stabilization” (public security) for Korean industrialists. It was also the beginning of Korean industrialist- and professional-oriented budgetary politics in the city assembly. However, Korean-led city budget politics in the colonial period became fraught with various dilemmas.

식민지 관료 시노다 지사쿠(篠田治策)의 평남·평양 인식과 도정(道政) 입안(1910~1923)

주동빈 한국사학사학회 2023 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.48

This article focuses on Shinoda Jisaku(篠田治策, 1872-1946)'s 13 years of service in South Pyongan Province to examine the place of the localities of the province and Pyongyang city in the history of colonial policy before and after the March 1st Movement of 1919. First, by viewing Manchuria and Russian Far East as buffer zones and the 39th parallel (Pyongyang-Wonsan line) as a potential buffer zone we identified a narrative casting of Pyongyang's local history that linked the Korean people's consciousness of recovering their northern territories with Japanese theories of continental aggression. Second, it is shown that Shinoda was the only person to be “promoted” from his longtime post in the provincial governor's reshuffle immediately after the March 1st Movement, and that he was appointed in the course of dealing with the local Korean national liberation movements linked with those of Manchuria and Russian Far East. Third, as the governor he proposed policies such as expanding elementary education for Koreans, overhauling rural terminal organizations, and encouraging “state-owned” company-led development which includes vague inducements for Koreans in Pyongyang. Shinoda would spend the rest of his career on the other side of the cultural frontier from colonial Korean nationalism. However, the argument of Korean-led local development and autonomy remained and gradually gained strength in Pyongyang.

「서해5도」 어업경제의 ‘번성’과 분단체제하 쇠락 - 연평도를 중심으로 -

주동빈,정태헌 전북대학교 동북아법연구소 2022 동북아법연구 Vol.16 No.3

역사적으로 「서해5도」는 중앙권력과 지역주민의 전략적⋅사회경제적 이해관계가 길항하는접경지대였다. 이 섬은 지리적⋅행정적으로는 중국과 해역상 최단거리인 해주경제권이란 점, 일상생활을 영위하는 데 어업이 핵심이란 점이 공통점이다. 오늘날 분단체제로 인해 이 섬에는조업권⋅이동권의 제한 해결과 보상권의 필요성이 제기된다. 그러나 조업권은 분단과 해방 이전까지 크게 제한되지 않았다. 심지어 민족별 어종 소비의 차이에 따라서 식민지기 연평도는예외적으로 조선인 조기 어업이 발전했다. 반면 분단체제는 「서해5도」 주민들에게 권리 없는의무만을 안겨주었다. 본고는 이를 논증하기 위해서 한 세기 동안 「서해5도」가 속한 도 단위조기 어획고, 「서해5도」의 인구 추세, 1969년 서해 어로한계선 남하 이후 북상 조업이 월선으로불법화되는 과정과 그것으로 인한 섬 소득의 감소를 살펴본다.

일제하 「서평양시가계획」(1929~1935)과 조선인 중소공장지대 조성

주동빈 역사학연구소 2024 역사연구 Vol.- No.50

본고는 「서평양시가계획」(1929-1935)에 주목했다. 부 자체재원으로 ‘서평양’(실제로는 평양 북부, 기림리와 인흥리)을 개발한 부수적 효과로 조선인 중소 공장지대가 조성되었다. 조선 내 최고의 인구밀도와 대동강 치수사업의 지연에 대응하기 위한 차선책이었다. 동우회 계열과 같이 조선인 중소공장 육성을 주장하던 이들은 찬성했지만, 재평양일본인들은 대공업지 개발이 아니란 이유로 반발했다. 평양부는 부영전기 적립금과 부채를 종잣돈으로, 매립지 매각금을 상환금으로 활용하고 나아가 지주조합을 조성하여 계획을 완료했다. 주된 재원인 부 소유 매립지 매각이 부진했지만, 1932년 만포선 공사 재개로 해결되었다. 따라서 1930년 서평양에는 공장이 3곳 밖에 없었지만, 1937년 29곳으로 늘어났다. 1곳 만이 일본인 공장이었고, 다수가 조선인 대표 업종인 양말 및 고무공장이었다. 평양부회 등을 통해 의견을 제시한 결과였다. 다만 서평양의 위상은 전시체제기 전후 「평양시가지계획」 결정과정에서 뒷전으로 밀리기 시작했고, 조선인들은 이 곳을 “의붓자식” 취급하지 말라고 비판했다. This study focuses on he “The West Pyongyang Urban Planning (1929-1935)”. As a collateral consequence of the development of “West Pyongyang” (actually, northern Pyongyang, including Girim-ri and Inheung-ri) with city finance, a small- and medium-sized Korean factory zone was created as the next best option to respond to the high population density in Korea and the delay in regulating the Taedong River. While those who advocated for the development of small- and medium-sized factories for Koreans, such as Donguhoe, were in favor, the Japanese in Pyongyang opposed the idea because it was not a large- scale industrial development. The Pyongyang City Administration completed the plan using municipal electricity reserves and debt as seed money, conducted landfill sales for repayment, and created a landowner`s association. The sale of city-owned landfills, the main funding source, was slow but was resolved in 1932 with the resumption of the construction of the Manpo Line. In 1930, only 3 factories existed in “West Pyongyang”, but by 1937, there were 29. One was a Japanese factory, and most were socks and rubber factories, Koreans` main industries at the time. This development resulted from opinions expressed by the Pyongyang City Assembly. However, “West Pyongyang” was relegated to a subordinate status in the Pyongyang Town Plan during the wartime regime, and Koreans criticized the district`s “stepchild” treatment.

1920년대 평양부협의회 선거와 조선인 지역유력자의 ‘혈연-공간적’ 변동

주동빈 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2022 한국문화 Vol.- No.97

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전석담 역사학의 숨은 ‘발원지’와 해방 전후 한국 사회경제사 인식 - 도호쿠제국대학 경제학과와 ‘시대구분론’을 중심으로 -

주동빈(朱東彬) 한국역사연구회 2020 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.118

Jeon Seok-dam(全錫淡, 1916~?) was 22 years younger than Paek Nam-wun, and was a young new-generation scholar in colonized Joseon, engaged in studies of Marxist Socio-Economic History. In prior studies, the position he had over the issue of dividing periods, which distinguished himself from supporters of the usual ‘Five-Stage Scheme of Periodization’ theory, has always been considered to be unique. Examined in this article is how he shaped his own such stance through all the schools he attended. Instead of the Keijo Imperial University, he went to the high school in Japan and then attended the Dohoku Imperial University’s Department of Economy. He was the only Joseon graduate of this department. But when tension surrounding the department was heightened due to the Scandal of ‘Professors for the Peasants and Laborers Group’ that broke out in 1938, he moved over to the Post-graduate school of the Keijo Imperial University. His teacher Nakamura Kichiji(中村吉治) studied the history of Agricultural policies and Rural Agricultural society in the Early Edo Bakuhu period, with a focus on the Hopae(Household tablet) institution and the Oga Jaktong(Five-Household Registry) system. His other teacher, Uno Kozo(宇野弘蔵), presented the concept of ‘Underdeveloped partner in a relationship(後進),’ and tried to explain the problems that surfaced in Japan’s modernization process as a late starter, while attempting to overcome the existing view -a rather polarized one- which had only engaged in examining single states. Influenced and inspired by his own predecessors, Jeon Seok-dam argued that the Hopae institution and the Oga Jaktong system of the early Joseon period indeed had the effect of restraining the peasantry population. He also viewed that Japan succeeded in modernizing itself even with the handicap of starting late, while Joseon as a colonized country was eventually included in the Capitalist world order but still had a pretty underdeveloped industrial structure. However, he never directly quoted his teachers at Dohoku, and placed a bigger emphasis on the Capitalist nature of colonized Joseon only after finally landing in North Korea himself. His such stance seems to have been the result of adjusting to the academic atmosphere of the two Koreas, which may have forced him to embrace his mentors’ methodology yet (conveniently) omit proper recognition of them.

조선총독부 4대 도시계획서(1930~1931)와 對岸 市街 치수

주동빈(Joo, Dong-Bin) 고려사학회 2024 한국사학보 Vol.- No.95

평양부(협의)회의 동상이몽과 부영전기 ‘재사영화’(1927~1937)

주동빈(JOO, DONGBIN) 역사학회 2020 역사학보 Vol.0 No.248

This article examines why the municipalization of electricity in Pyongyang was the financial basis for local self-government, and how local wealthy men, who had restricted suffrage during the colonial period, recognized municipalized electricity in colonial Korea. First, this article analyzes Pyongyang electricity as, even during the municipalized period, subordinate to the affiliate of the Oriental Colonization Company, focusing on power charges and enterprise forms. Second, this singular decision to municipalize electricity in colonial Korea (1927) was difficult to reverse for the Government-General, but the process of re-privatization (1937) showed the limit/critical point of “public opinion” in the municipal assembly of colonial Korea. Finally, during the municipalized period, local opinion was divided and unable to oppose re-privatization. Generally, in Pyongyang, local wealthy Japanese sought to lower other taxes by opposing lower power rates. Korean capitalists pursued lower power rates more than municipalization, but Korean lawyers agreed to use power rates as “social policy.” In the 1930s, Korean-language newspapers, managed by Korean elites and associating with local opinion, aggressively defended municipalized electricity in Pyongyang as the financial basis for local self-governance. However, they could not win on an uneven playing field.