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조재욱 ( Cho Jae-wook ) 평화문제연구소 2018 統一問題硏究 Vol.30 No.1
본 연구에서는 김정은 정권의 부패구조 분석을 통해 부패와 체제안정의 관계를 규명함으로써 향후 북한정치 변동을 조망하였다. 일반적으로 부패는 체제안정에 부정적인 영향을 미치는 역기능적 측면을 강조한다. 그러나 발전의 종속변수로 간주되어 일종의 부산물로서, 정치·경제발전에 있어서 긍정적인 영향을 미치기도 한다. 부패는 북한사회의 가산연합시스템을 더욱 공고히 하는 도구로 적극 활용되고 있다. 부패를 통한 특권과 특혜의 보상은 아래를 향하고, 이에 대한 보답인 충성과 경쟁은 위를 향했다. 이러한 상황은 정권의 수직적 위계구조를 강화시키고 있다. 김정은 정권은 체제규율 구조가 급격히 붕괴되지 않는 범위 내에서 관료들의 부패를 허용하고 묵인할 가능성이 높다. 하지만 김정은은 관료들의 지대 추구가 충성으로 이어지지 않을 경우 부패를 역이용하여 언제든 강력한 숙청을 단행할 가능성이 있으며, 이를 통해 정권의 안정성을 확보할 것이다. 종합적으로 볼 때 북한사회에서 부패는 정권, 관료, 주민들에게 수혜적 요소로서 일정 부분 작용하고 있다. In this study, the corruption structure of Kim Jong Un regime is analyzed to reveal the relationship between corruption and the stability of the system and to provide prospects for the changes in North Korean politics in the future. Corruption generally emphasizes dysfunctional aspects that negatively affect the stability of the system. However, it is regarded as a dependent variable of development in which it is a kind of a byproduct that positively affects political and economic development. Corruption is actively being used as a tool to further consolidate the patrimonial system of the North Korean society. The rewards of privilege and preference through corruption is directed downward, and the loyalty and competition, headed in the upward direction. This situation reinforces the vertical hierarchical structure of the regime. It is highly likely that Kim Jong Un will allow and tolerate corruption of bureaucrats within the framework that will not disrupt the current structure. However, if the corruption granted by the authorities does not lead to loyalty, Kim Jong Un is likely to reverse the corruption at any time and adopt an aggressive act of purges at any time, to thereby secure the stability of the regime. In overall, corruption in the North Korean society has become a part of the beneficiary component of the regime, bureaucrats, and the ordinary residents.
새로운 화폐정치의 공간 만들기: 지역화폐제 도입을 통한 보완경제의 가능성 시탐
조재욱 ( Jae Wook Cho ) 비교민주주의연구센터(비교민주주의학회) 2013 비교민주주의연구 Vol.9 No.1
본 연구는 그간 조명을 덜 받아온 지역화폐의 새로운 정치적 기능을 발견하는데 목적이 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 지역화폐가 호혜, 나눔, 신뢰, 연대의 원리에 입각해 시장중심이 아닌 시민사회 속의 도구로서 역할이 가능한지를 시탐하였다. 본 연구의 결과에 의하면 지역화폐는 ‘지역이라는 공간시스템’, ‘공동체라는 사회시스템’, 그리고 ‘지역순환이라는 경제시스템’의 삼위일체가 이루어 질 때 활성화 될 가능성이 높다. 따라서 지역화폐가 사회적 자본으로 다가가기 위해서는 지역경제 활성화 제고에 일조해야만 한다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 서비스 교환에 거의 국한되어 있는 기존의 레츠나 타임달러 시스템 이외에도 지방정부가 주체가 되어 발행하는 물리적 형태의 구매권 지폐방식 도입을 주장한다. 하지만 구매권 지폐가 가지는 물신성과 축적성 제거를 위해서는 거래 시 마이너스 이자 시스템, 즉 감가하는 화폐제의 도입이 동반되어야 할 것이다. The purpose of this study is to discover a new political function of the local currency. In this study, local currency is to investigate a possible role as a tool for civil society rather than market-oriented. Local currency to become a tool in civil society should be based on the principle of reciprocity, trust and sharing of operating. Local currency is likely to be activated when it can be made the trinity by the local of a space system, community of the social system and local circulation of economic system. Therefore, local currency must help invigoration the local economy in order to reaching social capital. This study argues the introduction of extra ``voucher-type`` monetary system issued by local government, in addition to an existing ``Lets`` and ``Time dollar`` monetary system just using for service exchange. However, voucher-type monetary system involves an accumulation of wealth. so voucher-type monetary system should be accompanied by minus interest system or aging money system.
조재욱(Jae-wook Cho) 21세기정치학회 2010 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.20 No.3
The purpose of this essay is to analyze critique of Hatoyama's plan for an East Asian Community. Hatoyama was a political leader who discussed the East Asian Community once again after president Dae-jung Kim. However, his plan exposed many problems. First, his plan couldn't entirely overcome the political realism as hegemony competition like Liberal Democratic Party plan. Second, his plan showed duplicity. That is to say, his plan stopped in slogan and it didn't put the plan into action. Third, he prepared the East Asian Community with awakening of the Japanese person where is not eastern Asian. In other words, he couldn't show his political practice well for East Asian Community. He had been persisted only interest of Japanese own country than East Asian regional cooperation, East Asian regional common interest. In conclusion, his plan stayed to proposal. So, his plan can't have the concrete alternative and practical plan. And when comparing with plan of past Liberal Democratic Party, there was not a big difference.
동아시아 경제통합 모델의 적실성 검토와 한국의 참여전략
조재욱(Jae-wook Cho) 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.2
This paper tries to analyze the process of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership(TPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership(RCEP), and to draw the policy implications for Korea. In these day, a lively discussion of East Asian economic integration is condensed rivalry between TPP and RCEP. Keeping eyes on TPP and RCEP propulsion trend, Korea government must be seeking a participation strategies and role about two integration models. For all that, Korean government should not discuss to find particular integration model. because the final destination of TPP and RCEP are FTAAP. According to the results of this paper, RCEP is a suitable East Asian economic integration model than TPP. Korean government should prefer to join RCEP. But one thing to note is that, US and China in relation to FTAAP are likely to strategic partnerships and cooperation. In this process, Korean government can be a passive observer instead of negotiation leader. In the course of future East Asian FTA negotiations, Korean government should be rule maker based on the experience of the Korean-US FTA, Korean-China FTA.
조재욱(Cho, Jae-wook) 동아시아국제정치학회 2010 국제정치연구 Vol.13 No.1
This study analyzes the problems of a democratic citizenship education, and explores the plans for institutionalization in the revitalization of local politics. The local manifesto campaign has had a reasonably positive effect on voters, politicians, and parties. However, its effect on the political culture has been gradual, and the development of manifesto elections is currently proceeding. The history of the manifesto campaign in Korea is very short. Inversely, the manifesto election can be sufficiently successful at times in Korea. The education of a democratic citizenship is absolutely necessary for the development of a democracy. The manifesto campaign aims to change the electoral and political cultures, and cultivate a democratic citizenship. So, governance of democratic citizenship education, for example, parties, national election commissions, and the role of NGOs, is very important.