요서지역 출토 상주 청동기와 기자조선 문제

조원진(Cho, Won-Chin) 백산학회 2010 白山學報 Vol.- No.88

Based on the discovery of partial remains, the powers of Sang-ju reached the Liao-xi areas to accomplish hasty conclusions or interpretations that acknowledged the existence of Kija-Joseon for the Shang and Xiao bronzeware remains excavated from the Liao-xi areas. Although the clear and distinct conclusions have been made for the characteristics of these remains, when observing through the collected data, one can see that the advancements for the Shang-ju’s authorities and Kija-Joseon could not have been found through these remains. The circumstances that are being discovered in the storage pit separate from the local aboriginal culture holds no foundation to change and rule the aboriginal culture. These remains hold the strong impression of being the storage pit for temporary usage, are difficult to see as being identical and therefore, are divided largely into two groups. First are the remains that were left by the aristocrats during their migration, for the remains to display traces of ancestral rites like the remains of the Bukdong villages. Second are the remains of Machang-gu and Sanman-ja and they display a clear difference from the other remains. The possibilities of the diasporas from Shang Zhou inearthing the remains during a emergency situation or inearthing various bronzeware through the depredation from the aboriginal authorities, cannot be eliminated. One of the foundations that makes the Kija-Joseon theory difficult to be established is in the point that King Moo had held up Kija in a foreign country where his powers did not reach. However, that is a unilateral and formal measure which could be seen as the expression that acknowledged Kija’s seeking of political asylum in a region that cannot be influenced by Zhou Dynasty’s powers. Thus, the bronzeware produced during the periods of Sang and the beginning of Xizhou discovered in the Liao-xi areas can be considered as telling the migration for the people of losing Shang’s state into the Liao-xi areas that do not appear in literature. Moreover, the Joyang area nearby the Bukdong village, is mentioned as one of the strong proposed sites of Asadal and in the case of these remains, the Kija clans migrate along with the others to have the possibilities of performing ancestral rites. Since the truth about the legend of Kija travelling to the east is related to the problems of the people who have lost Shang’s state as well as issues of literature, inscriptions, gilt letters and archeological problems, the researches of each field must be processed with great depth to solve this problem.

고조선 영역의 최대치와 최소치

조원진(Cho, Won-chin) 고조선단군학회 2021 고조선단군학 Vol.45 No.-

고조선의 영역에 대해서는 그동안 중국 동북지역과 한반도 전역을 포함한다는 大고조선론에서 압록강이나 청천강 이남에 국한되었다고 본 小고조선론에 이르기까지 다양한 견해가 제기되었다. 문헌에 나타난 고조선 영역 관련 기사는 사방 1천리가 조선이라는 『帝王韻紀』의 기록, 고조선이 연나라의 침입에 서방 2천리를 잃었다는 『魏略』의 기록, 위만조선이 사방 수천리였다는 『史記』의 기록, 고구려와 예와 옥저가 모두 옛 조선 땅이었다는 『後漢書』의 기록 정도가 남아있다. 이러한 기록은 고조선의 영역이 작지 않았음을 알려주고 있다. 또한 이를 통해 고조선은 기원전 4~3세기 연나라와 대립하며 서쪽으로 영토 상실이 있었으며, 위만조선으로 왕조가 교체되면서 영토 확장이 있었음을 알 수 있다. 한국학계에서는 대체로 요동지역과 서북한지역이 고조선과 관련된 지역인 것은 인정한다. 다만 대릉하유역의 포함 여부와 연나라의 진출 범위 및 고조선이 요동지역을 회복했는지 여부가 쟁점이 된다. 이것은 고조선의 등장시기, 물질문화, 문헌자료에 대한 해석의 차이가 크기 때문이다. 이를 해결하기 위해서는 시대 변화에 따른 고고자료와 관련 사료의 체계적 분석이 필요하다. 또한 고조선 영역에 대한 문제는 한국 · 북한 · 중국 · 일본 학자들간에 견해 차이가 크기 때문에 향후 활발한 토론이 필요하다. A variety of views have been raised until now regarding the territory of Old Joseon, ranging from the great Old Joseon theory stating that the territory covered the northeast area of China and the entire Korean Peninsula, to the small Old Joseon theory presuming that the territory was limited to the area south of the Yalu and Chongchon River. The remaining articles related to the territory of Old Joseon in literature include the record of Jewangunki(帝王韻紀) describing that 1,000 li in all directions was Joseon, the record of Weilue(魏略) explaining that Old Joseon lost 2,000 li of its west territory due to the invasion of Yan, the record of Shiji(史記) stating that the territory of Wiman Joseon spanned thousands of li in all directions, and the record of Huhanshu(後漢書) stating that Goguryeo, Ye and Okjeo were all part of Old Joseon’s land. These records indicate that the territory of Old Joseon was not small. Also, through these records suggest that Old Joseon lost its west side territory due to the confrontation with Yan between 4th and 3rd centuries BC and expanded its territory with the replacement of the dynasty to Wiman Joseon. The Korean studies community generally recognizes that the Liaodong region and west region of North Korea are areas related to Old Joseon. However, controversy remains as to whether the Daling River basin was included, the scope of Yan’s advance, and whether Old Joseon recovered the Liaodong area region. This is because there are great differences in interpreting the time of emergence, material culture, and literature materials of Old Joseon. To resolve the controversy, it is necessary to systematically analyze the archaeological data and related historical materials according to the changes of the times. Also, lively discussions are called for in the future since there is a big difference in opinion among scholars from South Korea, North Korea, China, and Japan, when it comes to the issue of Old Joseon’s territory.

단군과 기자 - 고조선사의 체계에 대한 고찰 -

조원진(Cho, Won-Chin) 고조선단군학회 2014 고조선단군학 Vol.31 No.-

Kojoseon(古朝鮮)’s system must first be based on the Domestic literature. And the best choice to combine the archaeological material. “Samgukyusa(三國遺事)” was in 1908 that the history of Wanggeomjoseon (王儉朝鮮). On the other hand, “Ghewangungi(帝王韻紀)”is a history of 1028 years Dangunjoseon(檀君朝鮮), then was followed by a Kijajoseon(箕子朝鮮) 928 years. The contents of the “Samgukyusa(三國遺事)” close to the original state in the dual. Kojoseon(古朝鮮) is 1,000 years was also a time when Pyungyang (平壤) and Baekaksan Asadal(白岳山 阿斯達). The combined 1500 until the time was the capital of Jangdang-kyung. Both moved the capital back to the time of the 1908 Asadal combined. There are two founding Chosun era of 24th century BC - 22th century BC and the 18th century BC - 15th century BC. This is the date presented in the literature. Is the title of Dangun Kojoseon(檀君朝鮮) time leaders, anggeom(王儉) is the name of the founder of Kojoseon(古朝鮮). The title of the first ruler in the Kojoseon(古朝鮮) is used Dangun(檀君). The title was later changed to the Geom(儉), the Wang(王) after the title was changed again. The Kojoseon(古朝鮮 : Wanggeomjoseon 王儉朝鮮) is divided into Dangunjoseon(Front Joseon) and Geomjoseon(Later Joseon). The bipahyung Bronze Dagger(琵琶形銅劍) used Geomjoseon(儉朝鮮) era is obvious historic period. But Dangunjoseon(檀君朝鮮) is under discussion among the history and legends. Entity will be disclosed in accordance with future research.

기자조선 연구의 성과와 과제

조원진(Cho Won-Chin) 고조선단군학회 2009 고조선단군학 Vol.20 No.-

The legend that Kija(箕子) moved to joseon(朝鮮) in the transition period to Sangju was first recorded in 『Sangseodaejeon(尙書大傳)』compiled in Seohan period, and has been left as an unsettled question until now even after two thousand years have passed since then. Researches on Kijajoseon(箕子朝鮮) have recently been conducted in various fields such as literature, tortoise carapaces(甲骨文), bronze letters (金文), and archeology. This article examines the actual status of chief researches and main issues regarding the existence of Kijajoseon and proposes follow-up tasks for it rather than suggesting new opinion on it. There are four points which should be taken notice of for the following researches on Kijajoseon afterwards. First, this paper deals with the issue of bibliographic study on Kijajoseon. Presently, Chinese studies expose a limitation that they accept Kija and Kija joseonseol as they are written in literatures without criticizing the historical records. In Korean studies, bibliographic study has been somewhat stagnated perhaps because of the recognition that Kija dongnaeseol was made up in after ages. However, because most of the records on Kojoseon (古朝鮮) are associated with Kija, bibliographic researches should be constantly carried out through the acute criticism of the historic materials. Moreover, when conducting studies on the recognition of Kijajoseon, researchers should not too much focus on joseon period they have abundant data of but try to clarify the process that Kija joseonseol was being established before joseon period. Second, this study will consider the issue of bronze ware related to Gi people which seems to be associated with Kija. Gihu Bangjeong(?侯方鼎) unearthed in Gaekzoahyeon(喀左縣) of Liao-xi area is a crucial material that can prove Kija dongnaeseol which cannot be verified by the documents of his time since it was made in Shang and early Zhou period(商末周初) when Kija was active and was discovered in the northeastern area which is the east to which Kija supposedly came. Although the vessels of Gi(?器) were excavated in various regions including Henan, Hebei, Shandong, and Shaanxi, advanced researches have investigated only the case of Gihu Bangjeong and have tried to define its significance limitedly. Therefore, it will be necessary to examine the present status of excavating the vessels of Gi in various areas and try to understand the gravity of Gihu Bangjeong among them hereafter. Third, it considers the issue regarding the characteristics of the relics of Sangju in Liao-xi. Previous researches have tended to simply determine that the places where the relics were excavated belong to the territory. However, it is required to examine more deliberately if such relics came in along with the move of the immigrants of Sangju or the relics were transmitted to that area without them. Furthermore, it is also needed to figure out the characteristics of the relics by investigating the relics found around storing pits and comparing them with other relics unearthed from other areas. Fourth, this thesis will also deal with the issue of Kojoseon and the international circumstances of the time. Records on Kija dongnaeseol are based on the premise that Kojoseon was present already then. Thus, the question of Kijajoseon cannot be settled in separation of Kojoseon. The reason this issue has not been solved up to now for long is that the academic circles of Kojoseon have not cleared up their position of Kojoseon until now. In order to answer the question of Kijajoseon, it is necessary to settle the questions of Kojoseon’s foundation year and territory beforehand. To accomplish this, researches on the Bronze Age culture in Liao-xi and Liao-ning which are strongly believed as the initial seat of government in Kojoseon should be conducted continuously. If it is true that Kija moved to Kojoseon, he must have passed Yeon (燕) in Peking region and Gojukguk(孤竹國) in Luan He River. Accordingly, in order to prove

최근 중국학계의 기자조선 연구 동향 검토

조원진(Cho, Won-chin) 고려사학회 2021 한국사학보 Vol.- No.85

최근 중국학계의 기자조선 연구는 기존 연구를 다시 재정리하거나 종합하는 추세에 있다. 여기에서 기자와 기자조선을 그대로 인정하면서 그 역사적, 문화적, 사상사적, 교류사적 의의에 대해 검토가 이루어졌다. 또한 기자조선의 실체와는 별도로 기족 관련 청동기와 객좌지역 상・주 청동기에 대한 검토가 진행되었다. 또한 기자와 기자조선과 관련하여 학위논문을 통해 신진 연구자가 배출되고 있으며 그동안의 연구 현황과 향후 과제도 정리되고 있다. 특히 그동안 중국학계의 기자조선 연구가 箕氏朝鮮史라는 단행본으로 정리된 것은 주목할 필요가 있다. 그 핵심적인 내용은 단군의 역사성을 부인하고 기자조선의 존재를 그대로 인정하면서 그 영역은 한반도 안에 국한되었다고 보는 것이다. 이 책에 나타난 고조선은 정체성, 영역, 고고문화, 사회성격 등의 거의 모든 분야에서 한국학계의 고조선 인식과 큰 차이를 보이며 많은 문제가 있다. 한국학계에서는 그동안 축적된 연구를 통해 기자조선설의 허구성은 어느 정도 밝혀졌다. 하지만 기자조선에 대한 종합적인 연구 성과가 이루어지지 않은 것은 아쉬운 부분이다. 중국학계의 왜곡된 고조선 연구에 대해서는 향후 학계의 적극적인 대응과 국가의 지원이 필요하다. Chinese academic circles" recent research on KijaJoseon(箕子朝鮮) tends to rearrange or again summarize the existing one. It, therefore, examined its historical, cultural, thought historical and trade historical significance, recognizing Kija and KijaJoseon as they are. In addition, it investigated the bronze ware related with Kijok(箕族) and Gaekjwa, apart from the substance of KijaJoseon. Moreover, new researchers are produced through theses on Kija and KijaJoseon, and the arrangements of both the research status and future challenges are also made. In particular, it is necessary to give attention to the fact that the Chinese academic circles" research on KijaJosen was arranged into a separate volume, 『KijsaJoseonsa』(箕氏朝鮮史). Its key position is to reject the historicity of Tan-gun and acknowledges the existence of KijaJoseon, as it is, while recognizing that its area was limited to the Korean peninsula. The Old Joseon appearing in this book has many problems, in that it is quite different from that recognized by Korean academic circles, in terms of almost all of aspects, including identity, area, archaeological culture, social character, etc. The Korean academic circles somewhat reveals the falsity of the KijaJoseon theory, from the accumulated findings. It is, however, unfortunate that the performance of comprehensive research on KijaJoseon has not yet been achieved. The Korean academic circles" active efforts and the governmental support are required to cope with the Chinese academic circles" distorted research on the Old Joseon in the future.

고조선과 秦나라의 대외관계 연구

조원진(Cho, Won Chin) 한국사학회 2018 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.129

본고는 고조선과 秦나라의 대외관계를 살펴보며 양국의 관계와 전쟁원인 및 경계 변화에 주목하였다. 통일제국인 진나라의 등장은 고조선을 비롯한 주변지역에도 큰 위협이 되었다. 진나라는 沛水를 건너 고조선을 공격하고 ‘遼東外徼’를 설치한다. 전쟁 이전 고조선의 西界인 沛水는 나중에 고조선과 한나라의 경계였던 浿水와 동일한 강으로 지금의 혼하로 파악된다. 고조선은 기원전 3세기 초 연나라 진개의 침입으로 천산산맥 동쪽으로 후퇴했으나 연나라가 멸망할 무렵 일부 영토를 회복했을 가능성이 있다. 진나라가 고조선을 침입한 이유는 첫째 전성기 연나라의 영토였던 요동지역을 수복하기 위해서이고, 둘째 진나라에 나라를 잃은 유이민이 조선지역으로 망명했기 때문으로 추정된다. 요동∼서북한 지역에서 진나라 및 조나라와 관련된 무기류가 출토된 것은 전쟁의 흔적이거나 나라를 잃은 조나라 유이민들이 이동하며 가져온 것으로 보인다. 전쟁후 고조선과 진나라의 경계는 정황상 요동의 천산산맥으로 이해된다. 진나라가 설치한 ‘요동외요’는 혼하~천산산맥에 있었다. 요동군은 진나라에 의해 비로소 체계적으로 설치되었는데 당시 요동군 속현은 천산산맥 서쪽의 15현일 가능성이 있다. 고조선의 否王이 진나라에 조회를 약속한 것은 전쟁을 그칠 명분을 세워주고 독립국의 면모를 유지하기 위한 수단이었다. 이때 고조선은 진나라의 요구로 대외적으로 왕호를 사용하지 않았던 것으로 보이는데 내부적으로는 왕호를 계속 사용했다. 고조선은 통일 제국의 위협에도 유연한 외교를 통해 나라를 유지했고, 진시황이 죽고 진나라가 혼란스러워지자 곧바로 반격에 나서 잃었던 영토를 수복한다. This article examined the foreign relations between Old Joseon and Qin (秦), focusing on the relations between the two nation, reasons behind the war, and changes in boundary. Old Joseon (古朝鮮=王儉朝鮮) during King Fou’s generation starts its full-scale relations with Qin as Qin unifies China in 221 BC. After unification, Qin crosses Beishui (沛水) and attacks Old Joseon, installing ‘遼東外徼’ (outer Liaodong fortification of Qin). Beishui (沛水), which appears as 西界(west boundary) of pre-war Old Joseon, is understood as the present-day 渾河(Hun River), the same river as Beishui (浿水) which became the boundary between Old Joseon and Han later on. Old Joseon, due to the invasion of Yan’s Qin Kai (秦開) in early 3rd century BC, retreated to the east of the Qianshan mountain range, but it shows a possibility of recovering the territory on the east side of the Beishui (浿水) during the collapse of Yan. The reasons for Qin’s invasion of Old Joseon are assumed to be twofold: first, to reclaim the Liaodong region which was Yan’s territory during its glory days; and second, because the wandering people who had lost their state to Qin sought asylum in the Joseon area. Bronze daggers and spears related with Qin were excavated from the area from Liaodong to northwestern Korea. These seem to be the traces of the war between Old Joseon and Qin and brought by the wandering people. In particular, the fact that relics concerned with Zhao (趙) are excavated near the Yalu River seems related with Zhao’s collapse. Following the war, the boundary between Old Joseon and Qin is understood as the Qianshan mountain range considering the circumstances. The outer Liaodong fortification installed by Qin was located in the area from the Hun River to Tian Shan. The Liaodong Commandery seems to have been systematically installed by Qin, at last. There is no resource with the information about the Liaodong Commandery’s specific scope or the number of troops. However, considering the circumstances, it is possible that the Liaodong Commandery installed by Qin was 15 troops in the western part of the Qianshan mountain range. After Qin’s invasion, King Fou of Old Joseon promised to subjugate; however, he eventually did not agree to visit. This shows that Old Joseon’s subjugation was temporary or superficial. The promise King Fou of Old Joseon made to Qin was a means to uphold a diplomatic cause to stop the war and to maintain its appearance as an independent state. Old Joseon seems to have temporarily stopped using the royal title externally; however, the royal title was continued to be used internally and Old Joseon maintained its status as an independent state. Old Joseon carries out diplomatic activities flexibly according to the international situation; as Qin becomes chaotic with the death of Qinshihuang, Old Joseon immediately counterattacks to reclaim its lost territory.

고조선과 燕나라의 전쟁과 요동

조원진(Cho, Won-Chin) 한국고대학회 2020 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.62

본고는 고조선과 전국 燕나라의 전쟁 양상을 살펴보며 진번의 실체와 요동의 범위 문제에 주목하였다. 고조선은 기원전 323년경 전국 燕나라와 대립하였다. 당시 고조선은 요동지역에 위치하였던 것으로 이해된다. 고조선은 안정된 왕권을 바탕으로 칭왕을 하며 요서지역과 광범위한 연맹을 형성하여 燕나라와 대립한 것으로 보인다. 고조선과 燕나라는 팽팽한 대립속에서도 큰 전쟁은 일어나지 않았다. 그러나 고조선은 수십년 후 소왕대 전성기를 맞이한 燕나라에 패하여 滿潘汗을 경계로 삼게 되었다. 『史記』 에는 전쟁의 주체에 대해 조선과 함께 진번의 존재가 부각되어 있다. 당시 요동북부에 위치한 진번은 조선 연맹에 있어 중요한 역할을 담당하였다고 이해된다. 燕나라의 세력이 최종적으로 미친 동단에 대해 『史記』는 眞番朝鮮지역으로 『魏略』 은 滿潘汗으로 기록하였다. 燕나라가 설치한 5군 중 고조선과 관련된 것은 『山海經』 의 貊國이 있었던 요서군, 『史記』의 진번 조선이 있었던 요동군에 해당된다. 燕나라의 침공 이후 고조선은 천산산맥을 경계로 삼았으며, 요동지역에서 대동강유역으로 중심지를 옮긴 것으로 보인다. 열수 패수 같은 조선과 관련된 지명이 요동지역과 서북한지역에 동시에 보이는 것은 고조선의 중심지 이동의 흔적으로 이해된다. 燕나라의 북벌 직후 요동군의 범위는 의무려산에서 천산산맥 사이로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 燕나라 시기에는 속현이나 광범위한 행정구역을 설치하지는 못했다고 이해된다. 연북장성은 의무려산까지 이르렀으며, 의무려산~패수(혼하)에는 장새가 설치된 것으로 보인다. 소왕 이후 국력이 약해진 燕나라는 원거리 군현을 유지하기 어려웠으며 말기에는 패수 서쪽에 설치한 장새까지만 세력이 미쳤다. 나중에 燕나라가 秦나라의 공격으로 쫓겨간 요동도 이 범위에서 벗어나지 못했다고 이해된다. 이후 요동군은 秦나라에 의해 비로소 체계적으로 설치되었다. This study focused on the truth of Jinbeon and the range of Liaodong by examining the war patterns between Old Joseon and Yan(燕). Old Joseon came up against Yan around 323 B.C. during the Age of Civil Wars. It is understood that Old Joseon was located in the Liaodong area at that time. It is believed that Old Joseon used the title of king, formed a broad federation(또는 alliance) in the Liaodong region based on a stable kingship, and came up against Yan in response to the invasion of Yan. Despite the tense confrontation between Old Joseon and Yan, there was no big war. However, decades later, Old Joseon was defeated by Yan, at its prime time under the reign of King Zhao, and Manfanhan(滿潘汗) became the border between the two countries. “Shiji(史記)” highlights the existence of Jinbeon along with Old Joseon, while describing as the main agents of the war. Jinbeon, located in the west of Liaodong at the time, is understood to have played an important role in the Joseon Federation. At that time, Yan extended to the west region of Liaodong. It is believed that “Shiji” recorded the east border of Yan as Jinbeon and “Weilue(魏略)” described it as Manfanhan. Among five commanderies installed by Yan, Old Joseon was related with Liaoxi commandery where Moguo(貊國) in “Shanhaijing” existed and Liaodong commandery where Jinbeon in “Shiji” was located. After Yan s invasion, Old Joseon bordered the Tian Shan Mountains and it is believed that it moved its center from the Liaodong region to Pyongyang region. It is understood that names of places related to Old Joseon such as Yeolsu and Paesu existed in the Liaodong region and the northwestern region of the Korean Peninsula at the same time because they are the traces of the movement of the center of Old Joseon. In terms of the range of Liaodong commandery, it is confirmed that 18 prefectures were installed between Yiwulu Mountain and Yalu River centered by Liao-yang after the collapse of Wiman Joseon. However, it is believed that Yan could not install a local prefecture or extensive administrative district. Extensibility reached Yiwulu Mountain. It is also believed that Jangsae was installed between Yiwulu Mountain and Hun River. Yan became weaker after King Zhao and it was difficult for Yan to protect Liao-yang, on the plain. Therefore, the influence of Yan, in fact, reached only to the Jangsae installed in the west of Hun River. It is believed that the Liaodong where Yan was driven off by Qin’s attack was within this range. It was not until the Qin time that local prefectures were installed in the Liaodong region by Chinese power and the force of Chinese power was expanded to the east of Hun River.

고려시대의 기자 인식

조원진(CHO, Won-Chin) 한국사학사학회 2015 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.32

이 글은 고려시대의 기자 인식을 살펴보며 帝王韻紀와 같은 후조선=기자조선 인식이 어떻게 나타나게 되었는지의 과정을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 서한시대에 기자동래설이 처음 등장한 이후 고구려가 평양지역을 차지하며 기자에 대한 신앙이 있었음이 확인된다. 이것은 고구려가 기자를 선조로 생각한 낙랑유민들의 신앙을 흡수한 것으로 보인다. 이후 기록에는 없으나 평양지역을 중심으로 기자에 대한 민간신앙이 제한적으로 내려왔던 것으로 추정된다. 주변국가들은 고려를 기자와 고구려의 뒤를 이은 국가로 인식하였다. 따라서 고려는 외교적으로 기자를 강조하기도 했으나 이러한 표현은 외교적 수식에 그쳤고 실제 고려 내부에서도 기자가 조선의 왕이 되었거나 ‘기자조선’이란 인식이 있었다고 보기는 어렵다. 오히려 단군에 대한 기록들이 다양한 문헌에 전하고 있었고 단군의 정통이 고구려로 이어졌다는 인식이 있음을 보면 고려는 국초에 ‘단군(조선)-부여-고구려’로 이어지는 우리 역사의 체계가 있었던 것으로 이해된다. 이러한 체계에서 기자의 존재는 들어갈 여지가 없었을 것으로 보인다. 기자에 대한 국가 제사는 숙종대부터 있어왔으나 고려시대에 그것은 雜祠에 속했고 제대로 시행된 것 같지 않아 箕子는 막연한 ‘敎化之主’로 인식되었던 것으로 추정된다. 그러나 고려 중기에 김부식이 묘청의 난을 진압하고 신라 중심의 새로운 역사서를 만들면서 구체적으로 고조선사를 다루지는 않았으나 단군보다 기자를 강조한 듯한 인식을 보여주었다. 이후 三國遺事는 기자를 인정하지 않고 왕검조선이 1,908년 동안 계속 내려왔다고 인식했으나 帝王韻紀는 기자 동래 이전에 이미 단군의 통치가 끝났고 이후 기자가 세운 후조선이 이어져 왔다고 보았다. 고조선의 역사를 단군과 기자 약 1,000년씩으로 나누어 양자를 동시에 인정한 일종의 타협적인 인식이 등장한 것이다. 이후 성리학이 도입된 원간섭기에 기자는 더욱 강조되면서 명실상부한 후조선의 시조로 한국사에 자리잡게 된다. 이러한 기자조선설은 실제 역사와는 거리가 있는 것이지만 사상적으로 큰 영향을 주게 된 점은 부인할 수 없다. This paper looks at the Kija recognition of the Goryeo Dynasty. Kija Joseon notion will reveal the process of the emergence. Kijadongnaeseol this first appeared in the Han era. Nakrang had the one thought Kija self ancestors. Since, Pyungyang area has been limited Kija faith traditions. The neighboring countries are related Goryeo and Kia. However Kija were highlighted only in diplomatic relations. Goryeo people when referring to Joseon, thought Dangun. Dangun believed that this succession in Koguryo laying Joseon. Gusamguksa is contained is this idea of the early Goryeo days. However, the in the middle of the Goryeo Dynasty Samguksagi is a cash Dangun said Kija the first time in history. Then Samgukyusa did not recognize Kija Joseon. Dangun ruled the country will continue during 1908. On the other hand Jewang Ungi saw Dangun short reign of about 1,000 years. And Kija the founding of Joseon is the kingdom, and he thinks that after over 928 years. Neo-Confucianism has been introduced Kija was further emphasized. Kija was assumed that the founder of Hu Joseon (Kija Joseon) in Joseon Dynasty. It is possible Kija came to Joseon area. However, there may be the ruler of Joseon. Kija Joseon did not exist historically. Nevertheless, as it was the great ideological influence.

현행 남북한 역사교과서의 고조선 인식 비교

조원진(Cho, Won-Chin) 한국사학회 2020 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.139

남북한의 역사 교과서에 나타난 고조선 인식은 건국과 발전과정, 범금 8조 등의 문화를 중심으로 구성된 점 등에서 공통점을 보인다. 대외관계에 대한 서술도 대중관계와 전쟁 위주로 서술된 점은 비슷하다. 분량에 있어 남북한 교과서는 차이가 있는데 북한 교과서는 남한 교과서보다 훨씬 상세히 고조선을 다루고 있으며 특히 건국, 고조선과 한나라의 전쟁, 문화 유산 등에서 비중을 크게 두고 자세히 다루었다. 세부적인 건국연대와 중심지에 대해서도 많은 차이가 발견된다. 북한 교과서는 기원전 30세기 평양지역에서 단군이 고조선을 건국한 후 기원전 108년 요동지역의 부수도 왕검성이 함락되며 고조선이 멸망했다고 보고 있다. 반면 남한 교과서는 『동국통감』과 『삼국유사』의 건국연대를 소개하였고 대체로 랴오닝과 북한지역을 고조선 문화와 관련된 지역으로 보고 있다. 일부 교과서에서 랴오닝을 중심으로 고조선이 성립하였다고 서술하였으며 구체적인 영역 및 도읍 위치는 서술하지 않았다. 이러한 차이는 북한 교과서는『조선력사교수참고서』를 기준으로 교과서가 서술되었기 때문으로 보인다. 여기에서 고조선이 세계적으로 제일 먼저 수립된 나라이며, 평양이 반만년의 역사를 가진 수도이고, 나라별로 대표적인 반침략투쟁을 설명할 수 있어야 한다고 명시되어 있다. 반면 남한『한국사』에는 고조선만을 위한 성취기준은 부여되지 않았다. 이와 같이 남북한 역사교과서의 고조선 인식은 공통점 뿐만 아니라 상당한 차이점이 있음을 알 수 있다. 남북한 역사 교과서의 고조선 인식차이를 극복하기 위해서는 양국 교육 교류 및 학계 공동 연구의 필요성이 절실하다. 장기적인 계획을 갖고 인식 차이를 극복해 나간다면 양국의 상이한 역사관을 극복할 수 있을 것이다. The understanding of Old Joseon in history textbooks of South Korea and North Korea shows commonalities in the foundation, development, and the structure centered around the culture of eight articles on the violation of bans. In quantity, North Korean textbooks deal with Old Joseon much in detail compared to South Korean textbooks and especially with the foundation, the war between Old Joseon and Han, and cultural heritage, etc. in detail, giving much weight to them. Concerning the detailed period and area of the foundation, there are big differences found. North Korean textbooks state that after Tangun founded Old Joseon in the Pyongyang area in the 30th century B.C., he took the entire regions of Northeast China and the Korean peninsula as its domains and that Old Joseon collapsed as Wanggeom-seong, Busudo in the Liaodong region in 108 B.C. was fallen. Meanwhile, South Korean textbooks do not usually write the concrete time and area of foundation and the location of the capital, looking at the northern area of the Korean peninsula in the Daling River basin or Liaodong region as an area related to the basic Old Joseon culture. It seems that there is this difference because North Korean textbooks were written based on Reference for Teaching the History of Joseon. This states that Old Joseon is the country founded first in the world, Pyongyang is a capital with a history of 5,000 years and that students should be able to explain the representative struggle against an aggression by each dynasty. If the scholars of the two countries overcome the differences in their understanding through joint research with a long-term plan, they can overcome the different views on history.

북한지역의 단군 관련 유적과 전승

조원진(Cho, Won-Chin) 고조선단군학회 2020 고조선단군학 Vol.43 No.-

북한지역의 단군관련 유적 및 전승은 평양, 묘향산, 구월산 지역에 집중되어 있다. 평양에는 단군의 무덤으로 전하는 ‘단군릉’과 단군에 제사 지내던 사당인 ‘숭령전’ 등의 유적이 있다. 북한학계는 단군릉 발굴 이후에 단군조선초기라고 주장하는 유적의 발굴성과를 발표하였다. 이러한 자료를 토대로 북한학계는 평양지역을 단군이 태어나고 도읍한 지역으로 보고 있다. 반면 남한학계에서는 고조선의 초기 도읍지를 요서지역 혹은 요동지역으로 보고 있으며 평양지역은 고조선의 후기 도읍으로 보는 견해가 많다. 한편 북한학계는 단군릉 발굴 이후 평양지역을 중심으로 단군에 대한 다양한 구전 자료를 발굴하였다. 특히 문헌자료에 거의 전하지 않는 단군이 평양일대의 여러 집단을 복속시키는 과정이나 단군의 왕후·아들·신하와 관련된 다양한 전승이 채록된 점은 주목할 만하다. 하지만 구체적인 채록 시기나 과정 등은 공개되지 않았다. 묘향산에는 단군이 태어난 ‘단군굴’ 등 대부분 단군의 출생과 그가 평양에 도읍하기 이전의 활동과 관련된 유적과 전승이 전한다. 이것은 태백산(묘향산)은 단군의 탄생지이며 단군이 도읍한 곳은 평양으로 구분하는 『三國遺事』의 『古記』 기록과도 유사한 부분이 있다. 또한 구월산에는 환인·환웅·단군을 모신 사당인 ‘삼성사’가 있으며 고조선 3번째 도읍인 ‘장당경(장장평, 당장경)’이라 전하는 유적 등이 있다. 구월산 지역은 단군의 마지막 모습을 전하는 유적과 전승이 전한다는 점이 특징이다. 평양지역과 달리 묘향산과 구월산 지역은 실제 역사적으로 고조선 도읍과 직접 관련된 지역으로 보기는 어렵다. 그럼에도 다양한 유적과 전승이 전하고 있다. 향후 북한 지역에서 단군과 관련된 유적과 전승이 언제 등장하여 확산되었는지에 대해 세심한 검토가 필요하다. 이를 위해 남북학계가 공동으로 관련 유적과 전승을 조사하고 연구할 필요가 있다. The remains and traditions related to Dangun in the North Korea region are concentrated in the areas of Pyongyang, Myohyang Mountain and Kuwol Mountain. In Pyongyang, there are remains including the ‘Dangun Tomb’, which has been passed down as the tomb of Dangun, and the Sungryong Hall, which is a temple where ancestral rites were held for Dangun. Since the excavation of the Dangun Tomb, North Korean academia has released excavation results of the remains they claim to be a part of the Dangun era. Based on these materials, North Korean academia views the Pyongyang area to be the area where Dangun was born and where he set up as his capital. On the other hand, South Korean academia tends to view the Liaodong or Liaoxi area to be the early capital area of Old Joseon and the Pyongyang area as the later capital of Old Joseon. Meanwhile, North Korean academia excavated a variety of orally transmitted material about Dangun centering on the Pyongyang area after the excavation of the Dangun Tomb. What is noticeable in particular is the process of how Dangun subjugated several groups in the Pyongyang area, which is something the literary materials almost do not transmit at all. Also noticeable is the records of various traditions concerning the sons and courtiers of Dangun. However, a detailed period or process of the records has not been disclosed. Myohyang Mountain mostly offers remains and traditions related to Dangun’s birth including the ‘Dangun Cave’ where he was born and his activities before moving the capital to Pyongyang. This corresponds to the records of Samgukyusa and Gogi which distinguish between the birthplace of Dangun namely Taebaek(Myohyang) Mountain, and the place he chose as his capital, Pyongyang. Furthermore, in Kuwol Moutain, there is ‘Samseong Temple’, which worships Hwanin, Hwanung, and Dangun, as well as remains that transmit the tradition that ‘Jangjangpyong(Jangdanggyeong)’ was the third capital of Old Joseon. The Kuwol Mountain area is characterized by its transmission of remains and traditions related to the last appearance of Dangun. However, unlike the Pyongyang area, it is difficult to view the Myohyang Mountain and Kulwol Mountain area as being directly related historically to the capital of Old Joseon. Thus, it is necessary to review in detail when these remains and traditions related to Dangun in the North Korea region first appeared and how they spread. To achieve this, South and North Korean academia must jointly investigate and research the relevant remains and traditions.