朗慧無染과 聖住寺 創建

曺凡煥 한국고대사학회 1998 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.14 No.-

張保皐의 海上勢力과 華嚴神衆信仰 - 天因의 「天冠山記」 분석을 중심으로 -

조범환 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2008 新羅文化 Vol.32 No.-

본 논고는 고려 후기 천인이 쓴 「天冠山記」에 대한 내용을 검토한 것이다. 검토 결과 몇 가지 새로운 사실을 지적해 보았는데, 첫째로 천인이 「천관산기」를 작성하면서 참고한 초본은 고려 혜종 이후에 작성되었을 가능성이 매우 높다는 점이다. 그리고 그것은 천관사의 사세가 변화하면서 그곳에 소장되지 못하고 민가로 유락되었다. 둘째로 천관사 개창에 있어 경제적인 배경은 지방의 유력자보다는 중앙의 진골 귀족의 지원이 있었음을 헤아릴 수 있었다. 셋째로 천관사는 화엄신중신앙과 매우 밀접한 관계를 가진 사찰임을 밝혀 보았다. 그것은 김우징이 청해진으로 도피하는 과정에 승려 홍진이 그곳에서 화엄을 밤낮으로 염송한 결과 신중들이 감응한 것을 통해 알 수 있다. 더 나아가 화엄신중신앙은 해상무역에 종사하는 사람들에게 있어 매우 받들어졌음을 알 수 있었다.

新羅 下代 禪僧과 王室

조범환 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2005 新羅文化 Vol.26 No.-

『三國遺事』 紀異篇의 <景德王 忠談師 表訓大德>條에 대한 검토

조범환 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2018 신라문화제학술발표논문집 Vol.39 No.-

According to the Chapter Kiyi of Samkukyusa, King Gyeongdeok had a mutual exchange of opinions with lots of monks. Among them, monk Chungdam wrote Song Anmin for King Gyeongdeok and monk Pyohun helped King Gyeongdeok born a prince by praying to the god. Monk Il-yeon thought they had a personal relationship, so he named ‘King Gyeongdeok, monk Chungdam and Pyohun’ at the Chapter Kiyi of Samkukyusa. The Song Anmin has a lot of content analysis, but historical analysis is not enough. According to lyrics, people are required to perform their own duty. It’s a sign of the times. Daesung Kim introduced monk Pyohun to King Gyeongdeok. Pyohun met the Great Jade Emperor to ask him whether the king could have a prince. The Great Jade Emperor said no, but monk Pyohun helped the king to have a prince. Because he disobeyed an order, monk Pyohun couldn’t meet The Great Jade Emperor ever. This was an effort to overcome political problems linked to the royal male heir. King Gyeondeok, monk Chungdam and Pyohun are closely connected. Of course, we don’t know how monk Chungdam and Pyohun are related, however, we could guess they are a loyal subject. This is the reason why Monk Il-yeon titled this way at the Chapter Kiyi of Samkukyusa.

『三國遺事』 ‘貧女養母’條에 나타난 知恩의 효성

曺凡煥 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2009 신라문화제학술발표논문집 Vol.30 No.-

본고는 『삼국유사』 ‘빈녀양모’조에 나타난 지은의 효성을 살펴보기 위해 작성된 것이다. 빈녀는 『삼국사기』에는 지은으로 알려져 있으며 효성을 다한 인물 가운데 하나로 열전에 올라 있다. 특히 효성의 주체가 여성이기에 더욱 주목되는데, 효를 실천하는 데 있어 남녀의 구분이 있을 수 없다는 것을 드러내고자 한 것으로 파악된다. 이 글을 통하여 다음의 몇 가지 점을 알 수 있었다. 첫째로, 『삼국유사』와 『삼국사기』에는 지은에 대한 것을 기록해 두고 있는데, 두 기록을 서로 비교해 보면 몇몇 부분에서는 차이를 보이고 있다. 이는 동일한 사실을 전하고 있는 기록을 『삼국사기』의 경우에는 편찬자가 어떤 원칙을 가지고 필요에 따라 약간의 수정을 가한 반면 『삼국유사』의 찬자는 전해지는 설화를 거의 加減 없이 그대로 수용하였다. 이에 『삼국사기』의 효녀지은에 대한 것보다는 『삼국유사』의 빈녀양모조의 내용이 설화적이기는 하지만 좀 더 사실에 가까운 것으로 볼 수 있게 되었다. 둘째로, 조선시대 만들어진 사서에서는 대부분이 『삼국사기』의 내용을 그대로 전제하고 있으며 불교와 관련된 것은 전혀 찾아볼 수 없고 더 나아가 어떤 것은 화랑 효종에 대한 것마저 삭제해 버렸다. 반면에 왕의 통치와 관련된 것을 제일 먼저 기록해 둠으로써 효성의 행위 그 자체에 대한 것보다는 그것에 대한 왕의 포상을 더욱 강조하고 있다. 셋째로, 지은의 효행은 우연한 기회에 알려지게 되었는데, 그것은 효종랑이 아니었으면 묻혀질 수밖에 없었던 그러한 것이었다. 화랑인 효종이 지은과 그의 눈먼 노모에 대한 얘기를 들은 후 경제적인 지원을 하였고 그것이 왕실에까지 알려져 진성왕이 그녀에게 포상을 포상하였다. 그런데 진성왕이 지은에게 표창하고 군사를 보내어 집을 지키게 할 정도의 많은 배려를 한 것은 당시의 정치적인 사정과 결코 무관하지 않다는 점이다. 즉 당시의 정치 사회적으로 혼란이 매우 극심한 상황을 의도적으로 숨기기 위해 지은에게 많은 시혜를 베풀었던 것이다. 또한 그러한 의도적인 행위를 통하여 중앙과 지방의 혼란을 은폐하려는 의도가 숨어 있었다. 마지막으로 효선편의 내용 가운데 지은이 집을 내어 양존사로 하고 출가를 한 것으로 파악되고 있는데, 그녀의 그러한 행동은 결국 효성의 궁극적인 것이 무엇인가 하는 것을 알려준다. 효성이란 단순히 모친을 봉양하는 것뿐만 아니라 부모의 마음까지도 헤아리는 것임을 보여준고 있다. 더 나아가 부모의 살아 생전에 유교적인 효를 다하고 돌아가신 후에는 종교에 귀의하여 바른 길로 인도하는 것이 효성의 마지막이라는 것을 깨우쳐 주고자 한 것이라 할 수 있다. 결국 『삼국유사』 효선편에 실리 빈녀양모조는 효와 선에 대한 부분을 가장 극적으로 잘 드러낸 것이라고 해야 할 것이다. I would substitute a summary of the above discussion by review of a story, a poor daughter and mother in the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms. The daughter in the story was also known as Ji-eun in the History of Three Kingdoms, who served her mother with great devotion and thus, her act was appraised highly and listed in the series of biographies in the book. Along with her great devotion, her sexuality worked another reason to be listed because the author tried to emphasize filial piety regardless of sexuality. However, the two books telling same story, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms and History of Three Kingdoms, have some differences. In the former book the story was edited to correspond to author's intention, while the author of the later accepted the original tale transmitted by word of mouth without almost no edition. In this aspect, it is implied the later is more close to the original facts despite its narrative style. History books compiled in Chosun dynasty authorize History of Three Kingdoms and admited its contents and thus, no buddhist related facts and moreover King Hyojong as Hwarang were included. Contrarily, it highlighted King's supreme power and his reward to Ji-eun rather than her great devotion itself because the reward represents King's sovereign power. Ji-eun's filial piety was known accidentally by Hyojongrang. He heard about her and her blind mother, and gave financial support. That was informed to King Jingsung and the King rewarded her with house and security guards. However, the King's reward suggests political disorder at that time as well. He awarded Ji-eun a big prize with intention to hide the political chaos. According to the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, Ji-eun entered the buddhist priesthood, which is very suggestive of true filial piety. It means not only supporting parents physically, but also pondering their mind considerably. Moreover, it means confucian devotion during their lifetime and religious devotion after their passing away. That is to say, a poor daughter's story in the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdom tells about filial piety more effectively and dramatically.

新羅 上代 太子制의 運營과 東宮의 設置

조범환 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2010 新羅文化 Vol.35 No.-

This article examined the term, crown prince in History of Three Kingdoms from multiple angles and the results are as follows. During early period of Silla, the word crown prince is found only once about its installation in the regime of King Jingheung which implies two historical facts that there was crown prince investiture system or at least the one very similar to and being a crown prince meant being a successor of King. However, there were also unsuccessful cases that some crown price were not able to be a King due to complicated political issues. Despite these cases, it was rather a general tendency that a crown prince became a King. The crown prince system initiated in the early Silla was well established in the regime of King Jingheung. He appointed his first son, Dongryun to the thrown using his strengthened royal authority. He learned about investing crown prince from China and showed off his power by holding investment ritual. After being appointed as a crown prince, he should stay East Palace and take lectures to become a successful King. Based on the studies so far, the East Palaces has been understood to be installed by King Moonmoo. However, historical materials show that East Palace was installed in the regime of King Beopheung. He installed East palace, promulgating a code of administrative law. East Palace at the moment was not separate building but in the Wolsung. Regardless its location, it is very certain that where a crown prince stays was called East Palace. However, the history of crown prince and of East Palace do not go together. The crown prince appeared in the early period of Silla while East Palace is believed to be installed during King Beopheung. After the regime of King Beopheung, Setaek was formed and scholars worked in the East Palace. A public post called Taejasiseohaksa exited, which indicates that someone in the palace was responsible for crown prince's calligraphy. Lectures provided to crown prince were mostly confucian. A series of these institutional strategies were all done in or after the regime of King Beopheong. Thus, establishment of crown prince system during King Jingheung was possible under the institutional strategies of King Beopheung. The crown prince system was made further progress in the middle period of Silla.

東京 興輪寺 金堂 十聖에 대한 再論

曺凡煥 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2014 신라문화제학술발표논문집 Vol.35 No.-

이 글은 『삼국유사』 흥법편에 들어 있는「동경흥륜사금당십성」에 대하여 그 동안 연구된 것을 기반으로 하여 필자의 새로운 견해를 밝힌 것 이다. 신라시대 흥륜사 금당에 모셔진 십성의 塑像은 일시적으로 한꺼번에 제작된 것이 아니라 필요에 따라 시간을 달리해서 累加的으로 안치되었다. 그렇게 된 이유는 흥륜사의 시격 변화와 밀접한 관련이 있었기 때문이다. 그리고 승려 표훈을 마지막으로 해서 소상이 더 이상 만들어지지 않게 된 이유는 신라 하대 선종의 발달 때문으로 추측된다. 고려후기 일연이 흥륜사 금당에서 보았던 십성의 소상은 신라시대에 만들어져 고려시대까지 그대로 전해진 것이 아니었다. 다시 말해서 일연이 흥륜사에서 보았던 십성의 소상은 고려 후기에 새로 제작된 것이었고, 고려인의 시각에서 새롭게 재배열되어 있었던 것이다. 이상에서 몇 가지 새로운 견해를 제시하였는데 이는 기왕의 연구 성과와는 다른 것으로 흥륜사 금당십성을 새롭게 살펴볼 수 있는 계기가 되었으면 한다. The aim of research paper is to identify the new viewpoints by the researcher on [Ten saints of the Main Edifices in the Heungryeunsa Temple Enshrined in Gyeongju in the Shila Age] included in HeungBeop (Text of the Causes why the Three Ancient Kingdoms, Kuguryo, Baekjae, Shila, Adopted Buddhism and the Processes how Buddhism had Flourished), of [Samgukusa] (A Book on the History of Several Parts on the Korean Peninsular including Three Ancient Kingdoms). The Statue of Ten Saints out of clay in the Main Edifices in the Heungryeunsa Temple during the Shila Age was not designed temporarily at one time but was enshrined out of necessity in each different time. This is closely related to the changing patterns of stratification in the Heungryeunsa Temple. Moreover, the decline of establishing the statue since Samgha Pyohoon shows the introduction of Zen sect in the late Silla Age. The Statue of Ten Saints out of clay in the Main Edifices in the Heungryeunsa Temple that Il Yeon, the author of [Samgukusa], stated above, saw, was not passed down directly on to the Goreo Age from Shila. To put it in another way, the Statue was reestablished in the late Goreo Age and rearranged from the perspectives of people in Goryeo.

新羅 下代 景文王의 佛敎政策

曺凡煥 東國大學校 新羅文化硏究所 1999 新羅文化 Vol.16 No.-

신라 중대 花郞徒와 國學

조범환 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2018 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.57

Until the time when king Munmu of Silla successfully completed the Silla-Tang War, Hwarangdo remained a warrior group. When the war ended, however, Kim heumdol’s revolt led to king Sinmun remarkably weakening the role and function of the Hwarangdo because of. Instead, he improved the function of the Gukhak, a school system in Silla, to recruit talent. His action was aimed at selecting people who had Confucian knowledge through Gukhak, as opposed to through Hwarangdo. This was his continuous and well-organized plan to demand and supply human resources. However, Hwarangdo was newly born during the Hyoso Dinasty. King Hyoso couldn't ignore the requests of the noblesse, so to reduce complaints of the young men from Jingol and six bone rank, he restored Hwarangdo. The king then allowed Guksun to lead the Hwarangdo rather than Pungwolju because the king compromised with aristocracy. Thus, the newly born Hwarangdo was different from that of the middle Ages with respect to the roles and functions. The warrior personality almost disappeared and turned into a group that only played a role in assuaging the discontent of young people who failed to enter Gukhak. In Gyeongdeok dynasty, Hwarangdo lost its role of recruiting talent due to the new readjustment of the Gukhak. However, this did not change Hwarangdo into an amusement association, as was the case with existed research. The children of those who emigrated from Goguryeo and Baekje also entered Hwarangdo, and they played a big role in Silla becoming one big society. In this regard, the reformation of Gukhak by King Sinmun affected the loss of the essential function of Hwarangdo. By contrast, with the political changes of the Middle Ages and the revival of the Nokeup, a taxation system in Silla, Hwarangdo found a new way to be maintained. These changes in Hwarangdo later affected Silla. In addition, as shown in the examples of the rebellion by Hwarang Myeonggi and Allak, Hwarangdo moved faster with the process of deterioration, not change.

新羅時代 皇龍寺의 位相 : 특히 新羅 中代 皇龍寺와 佛敎系에서의 位相을 중심으로

조범환 경주대학교 경주문화연구소 2001 慶州文化硏究 Vol.4 No.-