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      • 남북 경제협력의 과제와 제언

        조명철 안양대학교 복지행정연구소 2000 福祉行政硏究 Vol.16 No.-

        남북 경협에 있어서의 여러 가지 애로와 문제점을 해결하기 위해서 정부가 할 수 있는 일은 네 가지로 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 정경유착의 대북경협정책에서 정경분리의 원칙으로 이행한다. 둘째, 실질적 이익이 창출되도록 법률적 제도를 개선한다. 셋째, 대북경협의 비전과 전략을 마련하고 대북경제정보의 신속한 전달과 공유를 할 수 있는 체계를 구축함으로써 기업의 대분 진출에 대한 서비스적 역할을 극대화시킨다. 넷째, 북한의 태도변화나 도발하에서도 경협에 관한 인내심과 일관성을 유지한다. 대북경협 활성화를 위해 기업이 할 수 있는 제안은 첫째, 남북정치관계 개선에 도움을 주는 입장에서 사고하고 행동하는 자세를 확립한다. 둘째, 정부로부터의 통제에서 벗어나는 것과 상응하게 자발적으로 정부의 통일정책에 협조하는 노력을 한다. 셋째, 북한과의 교류에 있어서의 공개성과 원칙을 구현한다. 넷째, 사전적 연구의 준비의 치밀성을 보장한다. 다섯째, 대북 전문가들을 적극적으로 활용한다. 여섯째, 정보공유를 위한 노력을 한다. 일곱째, 자기책임하의 진출 노력과 희생성을 발휘한다. 여덟째, 교류와 투자를 배합하되 투자에 선차적 관심을 두는 전술을 사용한다. 아홉째, 겸손성과 소박성, 근면성과 적극적성으로 북한인들에게 실천적 모범과 지혜를 보여준다.

      • KCI등재

        흰가루병 저항성 동양종 호박 품종 육성

        조명철,엄영현,허윤찬,김대현,김정수,박효근 한국식물병리학회 2005 식물병연구 Vol.11 No.2

        To breed powdery mildew resistant varieties, 104 accessions of Cucurbita spp. germplasm were evaluated. Powdery mildew resistance and horticultural characteristics of the accessions were investigated in the field conditions. C. martinezii was selected for high resistance to powdery mildew in the field. The growth of powdery mildew pathogen and response of leaf surface tissue to the pathogen were observed after artificial inoculation to resistant C. martinezii and susceptible C. moschata cv. ‘Wonye No. 402’. Mycelium growth was very clearly different between resistant C. martinezii and susceptible C. moschata cv. ‘Wonye No. 402’ at 5 days after inoculation at the adult stage. Interspecific hybridization was attempted to transfer powdery mildew resistance gene(s) from C. martinezii to C. moschata. A single dominant gene action was postulated as determining powdery mildew resistance at the seedling stage. But for the effective selection of powdery mildew resistant individuals, it was established that adult plant resistance should be confirmed in the field conditions after the seedling test. Through the seedling and field tests, C. moschata lines resistant to powdery mildew and superior to horticultural characteristics, were selected after 2 backcrossing and 3 selfing generations. The fruit characteristics of newly developed lines were similar to those of the recurrent parent, ‘Jaechenjarae’.

      • 김정일정권의 경제정책

        조명철 고려대학교 북한학연구소 2000 北韓學硏究 Vol.1 No.-

        North Korea's economic policy is still managed within the boundary of the planned economy, but shows some changes in terms of domestic, foreign, and inter-Korean trade policies since the official beginning of the new era under General Secretary Kim Jong Il. First, North Korea adopted a new economic policy, based upon heavy industry, out of its transitional stopgap economic policy of agriculture-first, light industry-first, and trade-first policy. All of these were enforced in the years 1994 through 1996. While the former economic policy, during the transitional period, tried to overcome the economic difficulties by earning enough foreign currencies through the development of light industry and trade sectors, the adoption of the current heavy industry-first economic policy means that North Korean authorities try to cure its economic ills by fostering its basic industries. It seems that the three-first economic policy failed to achieve their gaols during the period, and the general industrial outcome declined even further due to the lack of electricity and other infrastructure. Therefore, Pyongyang seemed to have realized that the quick recovery of the basic industries was the precondition for the elimination of economic problems. The DPRK now places great emphasis on the development of large-scale potato plantation, the enlargement of arable land through the land rearrangement, the construction of more hydraulic power plants, and the building of ant express road between Pyongyang and Nampo. Since 1998, these projects are what Kim Jong Il has paid attention to via his on-the-spot guidance. Second, changes in Pyongyang's international economic policies are the limited opening policy by the fostering of a special economic zone, the establishment of an outward economic policy based on the trade-first strategy, and the introduction of a new trade system. The Najin-Sonbong Free Economic and Trade Zone shows little progress, and thus it seems very difficult to predict the future of the limited opening policy. The trade-first policy in the 1990s is quire different from that of the 70s and the 80s in 131e realm of its contents. The trade-first policy now leads to maximization of profits regardless of its trading partners, whether or not they are socialist countries or capitalist ones. To achieve this trade profit maximization goal, the DPRK disclosed that it will expand its trade flatten by activating the processing trade, the commission trade, and the order trade. Also it will actively induce foreign capitals through joint venture, joint management, and individual investments. Yet, despite Pyongyang's disclosure of its plan for a new international economic policy, the actual economic situation in North Korea has snot been improved. In order to enhance its economic environment, the DPRK must expand it Free Economic and Trade zone, reveal its economic statistical data and other information, and demonstrate its real intention of participating in the world economic order. At the same time, it must express its sincere willingness to improve relations with south Korea and the United States. Third, in the area of inter-Korean economic exchanges and cooperation, the DPRK has moved its weight from indirect commodity exchanges to direct investment between the North and the South. Such a policy change was due to the limitation of Pyongyang's capability in commodity export, the increased expectation towards the South Korean economy, and the political superiority to induce investment from its South Korean counterpart. In order to improve the economic efficiency of the inter-Korean economic cooperation and maintain a stable development, the South Korean government should eliminate unnecessary legal and administrative regulations, simplify the process of economic exchanges, and support private enterprises to lead the economic collaboration based on the market principle. Simultaneously, the inter-Korean economic exchanges and cooperation should be pursued continuously under the principle of separation of business and politics, and North Korea should also reform itself and open its external relations. Now it seems that North Korea, in the new era of Kim Jong Il, attempts to solve the agricultural problem by getting maximum foreign aids and increasing potato production and, at the same time, tries to overcome the industrial bottleneck by normalizing its basic industries like electricity, metalworking, and machinery. However, it is unlikely that a quick recovery from the serve economic difficulties, sustained over the last ten years, will occur. It seems to require an emergency blood transfusion from outside forces in order to get out of the vicious circle of economic structural problems. In conclusion, the economic difficulties in North Korea would be resolved through the improvement of its external economic relations; from this context, the conservative policy, that has been adopted recently, does not likely mean to isolate (or exclude) itself from the outside, but rather seems to be one of preparation for maximizing its linkage efficiency with external forces.

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