디지털 자본주의에서 정치의 재구성

조계원 비판사회학회 2020 비판사회학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2020 No.10

지구화 시대의 애국심

조계원 사단법인 한국민족연구원 2009 민족연구 Vol.0 No.40

The purpose of this paper is to sketch the sociopolitical demands generated in a multicultural society by reviewing nationalism debate, and to propose ‘patriotism without nationalism’as an alternative that can resolve such conflicts in South Korea. Based on the presupposition that there exists patriotism distinct from nationalism, this paper argues that a discussion on contents and principles of patriotism is requisite for preventing fascist mobilization of nationalism that can be derived from increment of structural unemployment due to neoliberalism, promoting political contestability of citizens and political power of socially marginalized groups and constructing conditions under which people with diverse ethnicity can coexist peacefully in the same territory. For this I critically examine ‘constitutional patriotism’, suggested by J?rgen Habermas, ‘purified patriotism’, advanced by Martha C. Nussbaum, and then suggest ‘republican patriotism’ harmonizing diversity and commonality, endowment of civic rights and civic responsibility, based on the principles of liberty as nondomination—freedom from arbitrary domination of others. By doing so, I expect to make it possible to explore new ways of thinking about the matters which nationalism has caused in South Korea.

17대 총선에서의 분할투표와 비판적 무당파

조계원,홍승헌 고려대학교 2005 虎院論集 Vol.13 No.-

This article aims to analyze the effect of two-vote mixed system first adopted in 17th National Election. In particular, it focuses on the voter's split voting turn-out which shows inconsistent party preferences in electoral ballot and proportional representation ballot. Split voting not only demands voters to be equiped with more sophisticated information and concerns to political phenomena than straight voting, but also endows voters an opportunity to present their unrepresented preferences. In this election, the result of split voting turns out to be the emergence of Democratic Labor Party(DLP) as the third largest one in the system. This article asks two questions: who split their votes for DLP, and what is the main implication intheir voting behaviors? In analyzing the effects of split voting, we primarily focus on the floating voters hitherto unrepresented in the party system. Presenting four categories to classify Korean voters by cognitive mobilization and strength of partisanship, we categorize those who voted for DLP with high degree of cognitive mobilization and low degree of partisanship, as 'critical apartisan'(58.8%), and conduct quantiative data analysis using ANOVA. We conculde that voting for the third party is a sign of protest against the existing party system; that their voting is not retrospecitve but prospective aimde to extend the ideological spectrum of the party system.

영국의 탄소중립 정책과 지역혁신:정부, 산업, 숙련교육 부문의 연계를 중심으로

조계원 국립부경대학교 지방분권발전연구소 2023 지역과 정치 Vol.6 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to examine the UK's Net Zero policy and regional innovation, focusing on the linkages between government, industry, and skills training to create green jobs, and to consider the implications for Korean society. As the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution, the UK has actively pursued a Net Zero policy with the aim of achieving a new green industrial revolution. The UK has established sustainable governance for Net Zero based on cross-party consensus, and has clearly and consistently promoted the transition to Net Zero with a pro-growth, pro-business stance. In particular, the UK is implementing an industrial decarbonisation strategy that focuses on the linkages between government, industry and skills training, and is engaging at a local level to achieve Net Zero with equitable benefits for all regions through a place-based approach.

신세계 I&C의 성공사례

조계원,Jo, Gye-Won 한국정보통신집흥협회 2005 정보화사회 Vol.175 No.-

회원사탐방-씨엔에스테크놀로지

조계원,Jo, Gye-Won 한국정보통신집흥협회 2005 정보화사회 Vol.175 No.-

남북 화해협력 정책에 대한 재고찰: 화해와 협력의 민주적 정당화를 중심으로

조계원 인제대학교 민주주의와 자치 연구소 2023 비교민주주의연구 Vol.19 No.2

이 글의 목적은 한국 민주주의 관점에서 남북 화해협력 정책이 갖는 의미를 재구성함으로써 소극적 의미의 평화공존에서 화해협력으로 나아가야 하는 규범적 이유와 방향성을 제시하는 것이다. 크게 두 가지 주장을 제시하고 있다. 첫째, 분단체제로 인한 역사적 부정의가 한국 민주주의에 부정적인 영향을 끼치고 있으므로 현세대는 이를 바로잡음으로써 이러한 부정의가 새로운 부정의를 낳는 것을 막아야 할 시민적 책임성을 지닌다는 것이다. 화해는 이러한 책임에 기초한 실천방식이라고 할 수 있다. 둘째, 한반도라는 공간에서 생활공동체를 구성하는 상호의존적인 존재로서 남과 북이 서로를 돌봐야 할 필요성이 증대되고 있으므로, 정치ㆍ안보ㆍ경제ㆍ기술ㆍ환경 측면에서 발생하는 공통의 위험에 대응하기 위해 미래지향적으로 협력해 나가야 한다는 것이다. 이러한 협력은 한국 민주주의의 회복력을 높이고, 민주적 가치를 실천하는 방법이 될 수 있다. The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the meaning of the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation policy from the perspective of South Korean democracy in order to provide normative reasons and directions for moving from passive peaceful coexistence to reconciliation and cooperation. Two main arguments are put forward. First, since historical injustices caused by the division system have negatively affected Korean democracy, the current generation has a civic responsibility to correct these injustices and prevent them from creating new ones. Reconciliation is a practice based on this responsibility. Second, there is an increasing need for South and North Korea to take care of each other as interdependent beings who form a living community on the Korean peninsula, so they must cooperate in a forward-looking way to address common risks from political, security, economic, technological, and environmental perspectives. Such cooperation can be a way to enhance the resilience of South Korean democracy and put democratic values into practice.

한국 사회와 애국심 : 공화주의적 애국심의 검토

조계원 참여연대 2009 시민과세계 Vol.- No.16

BcN 서비스 현황

조계원,Jo, Gye-Won 한국정보통신집흥협회 2005 정보화사회 Vol.175 No.-

새로운 사회계약과 디지털 권리장전: 정치·사회적 맥락과 제도화를 중심으로

조계원 한국지능정보사회진흥원 2024 정보화정책 Vol.31 No.1

디지털 전환은 우리 사회의 기존 규범과 패러다임을 전환시켜야 할 새로운 사회계약을 요청하고 있다. 디지털 헌정주의는 새로운 사회계약을 통해 신질서를 구축하려는 하나의 방식이라고 할 수 있으며, 디지털 환경에서 기본권 보호와 권력 균형을 위한 규범틀을 확립하고 보장하는 것을 목적으로 하는 이념이다. 인터넷/디지털 권리장전은 이러한 이념에 기초해 헌정주의화를 실천하려는 대표적인 사례라고 할 수 있다. 초기에는 시민단체나 다양한 이해관계자가 주도하여 비공식적이고 구속력 없는 선언의 형태로 디지털 사회의 변화된 특성에 맞는 규범적 원칙을 제시하는 형태를 띠었지만. 최근에는 국가나 지역 차원에서 원칙을 담은 공식 헌장·선언문이나 법의 형태로 구체화되고 있다. 한국 정부가 제시한 「디지털 권리장전」도 이러한 흐름의 연장선상에 있다고 볼 수 있지만 실질적, 절차적 정당성이라는 측면에서 보면 인터넷/디지털 권리장전의 최근 경향을 충분히 반영하지 못하고 있다. 정부가 일정한 규범적 방향을 제시한다 하더라도, 각각의 영역에서 구체적인 실행 계획과 결합되어야 ‘선언적’ 수준에 그치지 않고 디지털 기술 및 산업과 규범의 균형을 만들어낼 수 있을 것이다. Digital transformation calls for a new social contract that must transform the existing norms and paradigms of our society. Digital constitutionalism is a way of building new order through a new social contract and is an ideology that aims to establish and ensure a normative framework for the protection of fundamental rights and balance of power in the digital environment. The Internet/Digital Bill of Rights is a representative example of constitutionalization based on this ideology. Initially, it took the form of an informal, non-binding declaration led by civil society organizations or various stakeholders, setting forth normative principles adapted to the changing nature of digital society. More recently, they have taken the form of formal charters, declarations, or laws containing principles at the national or regional level. The “Digital Bill of Rights” proposed by the Korean government can be seen as an example of this trend, but it does not fully reflect the recent trend of Internet/Digital Bills of Rights in terms of substantive and procedural legitimacy. Even if the government provides a certain normative direction, it needs to be combined with a concrete action plan in each area to create a balance of norms with digital technologies and industries instead of simply being a “declaration”.