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On the Nature of Wh-Prosody and Its Syntactic Dependency
정연진 한국언어학회 2012 언어 Vol.37 No.2
In the standard minimalist tradition, the overt/covert distinction for wh-movement has been accounted for in terms of formal features such as “strong” or “weak” wh-features, or more recently the presence or absence of an EPP feature in C. Richards (2010), on the other hand, has recently proposed from quite an opposite direction that the syntactic parameter for wh-movement has directly to do with the wh-specific phonological effects, that is, prosodic effects feed syntactic wh-movement. In this paper I will provide evidence that for wh-interpretation, syntax feeds phonology, rather than vice versa, hence supporting the standard feature-based account of wh-movement. In so doing, it will be also argued that some agreement-related syntactic features may directly influence phonology, hence opening up the possibility of a direct reference approach to the syntax-phonology interface.
Division of Labor in Right Node Raising Constructions
정연진 한국언어학회 2011 언어 Vol.36 No.3
Jung, Yeun-Jin. 2011. Division of Labor in Right Node Raising Constructions. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 36-3, 783-814. The phenomenon of Right Node Raising (RNR) has invited a wealth of discussion in the literature, centered around the following three major approaches: rightward across-the-board extraction, backward ellipsis, and multi-dominance. Despite the success of each of these approaches to some substantial degree, however, it still remains agnostic whether all the reported properties of RNR can be captured by any single approach exclusively. This paper argues that in deriving RNR structures, both parallel merge and (simple) merge should be operative for the optimal derivation of RNR, assuming that UG employs three types of merge, i.e., external merge, internal merge, and parallel merge (sharing by multi-dominance) (Citko 2005). I will provide empirical evidence for the division of labor between the two operations in RNR, and propose that given the interface economy, parallel merge is the most preferred option for RNR constructions; but at the same time, merge (followed by ellipsis), another independent operation in UG, should be a readily available option for RNR constructions. (Dongeui University)
Subjacency Revisited: Is it Real or a Reflex of Performance Biases?
정연진 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.3
Jung, Yeun-Jin. 2015. Subjacency Revisited: Is It Real or a Reflex of Performance Biases? Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40.3, 513-544. In the studies of wh-in-situ in Korean/Japanese, grammaticality judgments over wh-island constructions have been notoriously unstable, variable, and even chaotic. For this prevailing controversy over the Subjacency issue, Kitagawa (2005) claims that the alleged Subjacency effect reported for wh-island constructions in Japanese is a “pseudo-grammatical” phenomenon; that native speakers’ preference over the subordinate wh-scope interpretation in wh-island constructions is a reflection of native speakers’ performance-related biases imposed on the perception and production of wh-questions. In this paper I will argue that Subjacency does exist as a real (i.e., formal) syntactic constraint, serving as a pivotal condition on ruling out illegitimate wh-questions in the narrow syntax; that the confusion and chaos in the judgment of Korean/Japanese wh-island constructions stem from the sound-meaning mismatch in the interpretation of wh-questions at the SM interface, which is the locus of linguistic variation in detectable forms. In so doing, I will show how Jung’s (2015) alternative analysis of wh-constructions can capture the precise nature of wh-licensing and Subjacency controversy in wh-in-situ languages like Korean/Japanese. (Dongeui University)
Is Criterial Freezing a Syntactic Illusion?
정연진 한국생성문법학회 2015 생성문법연구 Vol.25 No.1
Epstein et al. (2014b) suggest, based on the labeling analysis of Chomsky (2013), that there is no NS-specific halting constraint barring syntactic wh-movement from a criterial position, contra Rizzi (2014) and Epstein (1992); that wh-movement is allowed freely in narrow syntax but the ensuing ill-formedness is the result of violating a language-specific morpho-phonological, CI requirements. In this paper, I will argue that NS-specific criterial freezing is real, not a syntactic illusion as claimed inEpstein et al. (2014b), directly affecting both CI and SM interfaces; and show how a wh-in-situ language like Korean can serve as evidence for this claim. I will also show how the system that keeps both the criterial freezing constraint and Chomsky’s (2013) notion of labeling can treat scrambling, which would otherwise be problematic under Chomsky’s (2013) labeling system.