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      • KCI등재

        조선 태종 5년 동맹가첩목아(童猛哥帖木兒)의 明 "入朝"를 둘러싼 朝鮮과 明과 동맹가첩목아사이의 관계성에 대한 탈중심적/탈경계적 해석

        정다함 ( Daham Chong ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2016 民族文化硏究 Vol.72 No.-

        이 연구는, 조선에 "입조"하던 여진족 수장 童猛哥帖木兒가 1405년 명에 "입조" 한 것을 중화/소중화 중심주의적 관점에서만 이해해온 기존 해석을 비판하기 위해, 당시 조선과 명과 童猛哥帖木兒 사이에서 전개된 역동적 관계성을 재해석한다. 명이 여진을 포섭하여 요동과 만주에서 중화중심주의의 질서를 만드는 과정은, 일견 명이 일방적으로 주도하는 것처럼 보일 수 있지만, 오히려, 元이 해체되는 과정에서 이미 고려 말 이후 조선왕실이 여진과의 관계를 통해 압록강/두만강유역에 구축하고 있던 조선중심적인 지역질서를, 명이 빌려서 전유하는 방식을 통해 진행된 것이었다. 그리고 바로 이러한 역사적 맥락은, 중화중심주의의 단순한 수직적/일원적 위계질서 안으로 환원되지 않는 균열의 지점을 제공함으로써, 동맹가첩목아와 같은 여진족 지도자들이 소위 "인신무외교"의 원칙에 입각한 중화중심주의의 일원적 위계질서의 바닥에서 벗어나, 오히려 명과 조선 양쪽 모두를 더 많은 선택의 기회로 활용할 수 있었던 것이다. 결국 동맹가첩목아의 명"입조"는 명을 중심으로 하는 중화중심주의적 위계질서의 공고화처럼 보이지만, 그 "입조"라는 결과와 분리될 수 없이 연결된 明과 朝鮮과 동맹가첩목아 사이의 관계성과 그 역사적 맥락은, 그 중화중심주의적인 질서 또는 위계라는 것이 오히려 그것이 "반주변부(조선)"나 "반야만(여진족)"으로 정의하는 타자들 없이는, 만들어지는 것조차도 불가능했다는 것을 ``역설적``으로 보여주는, "中華"와 "小中華"와 "野人"의 교차로였다는 것이다. Mongke Temur(童猛哥帖木兒) known as a direct forefather of Nurhaci, had been defined as a tributary by early Choson kings for more than 20 years and he finally decided to pay "tributary visit(入朝)" to Ming in 1405. This has been understood as irrefutable proof of consolidation of Sinocentric orders in Southern Manchuria in early 15th century. In this paper, I try to dismantle this existing frameworks where "Sinocentric" views have highly been essentialized. First of all, expansion of "Sinocentric" world orders of Ming into Manchuria by incorporating Jurchen leaders such as Mongke Temur, was not just a process Ming alone could initiate, but also a process Ming could carry out only by negotiating with Choson and appropriating its imagined and contingent "Choson-centered" regional order. Second of all, it was in this context those Jurchen leaders including Mongke Temur who look seemingly a passive "vassals" at the bottom of sinocentric hierarchy, actually could have initiatives by deliberately playing both sides as the "tributary" of the both sides. Mongke Temur``s "tributary visit(入朝)" to Ming in 1405 looks seemingly as a consolidation of vertical hierarchy of Sinocentric world order of Ming, but the context which is inseparable from this "result", was paradoxically to show us that this so-called Sinocentric world order centered by Ming, actually could not even be built and maintained without collaboration of "others" such as Choson Kings and Jurchen leaders who have been marginalized by that "center".

      • KCI등재

        조선전기의 정치적ㆍ종교적 질병관, 醫ㆍ藥의 개념‧범주, 그리고 치유방식

        정다함(Daham Chong) 한국사연구회 2009 한국사연구 Vol.146 No.-

        This study is to rebut the existing Korean historiography's evolutionary and nationalistic perspectives on medical knowledge of 15th century which has tried to highlight sprouts of empirical medical science among a lot of dimensions of traditional medical knowledge of that period, and to restore rather very political and religious medical contexts of 15th century Chos?n society. In traditional East Asia, Political power has legitimize itself by using Political and religious metaphysics which theoretically linked it to heavenly authority and this inevitably motivated political power to study what happened between heaven and earth to perpetuate its power. Political ideology of traditional Confucianism on kingship heavily depended upon Heaven's mandate, and accordingly what happened between heaven and earth such as eclipse, flood, famine, drought were basically explained as "anomalies" or "ominous disaster" which reflected heaven's anger at political failures of a ruler. In order to perpetuate political power, a ruler should know about those "anomalies" and this motivated the studies or knowledge of heaven and earth to be "Moral Meteorology" and "Potent Astrology". So in this context, a disease often was explained in the same way. It was believed, a ruler's political failures of exploiting his people such as wars, heavy taxation, and huge construction, made people hold a grudge(怨恨) in their mind and this was basically the same as heaven's angers according to a traditional thought that heaven's mind is people's mind(天人合一). And it was believed, grudge in people's mind as heaven's anger eventually created evil spirits which caused a disastrous and abnormal disease such as an epidemic. The concepts of a disease of early Chos?n society was based on traditional political and religious ideas. According to this political and religious concept on how people came to be sick, the concepts of doctor and medicine was defined in very flexible and broad boundaries. When it comes to doctor's healing people, criteria was in dealing with the patients's mind spiritually to help them to have peaceful mind back.Healing people with medicine was regarded as a less important issue than spiritual healing and using food. This allowed various religious healers to play important roles in dealing with disease. When it comes to medicines, anything that is believed to keep those evil spirits away from people could be defined and used as medicines. For example, the typical medicines used for epidemics was ghost-killing medicines. These medicines were basically Taoist medicine and made of a lot of various materials rather based on religious beliefs on exorcism than clinical pharmacology. The way people used those medicine were not limited in orally taking, but varied in keeping them in their bodies, hanging in a ceiling, putting on a wall, and burning them into the air. And according to this medical context based on traditionally political and religious metaphysics and its practice in dealing with diseas the way the political power responded to an epidemic inevitably focused more on practicing state-level religious rituals for people. Modern perspectives of Korean Historiography based on evolutionary and nationalistic bias obsessed withwestern modernity, has viewed these issues as "superstitious practice" or "non-scientific knowledge" or "traditional backwardness". However, in their own terms and contexts, all these political and religious metaphysics, concepts of disease and medicine, and medical practices, were to perfectly make sense to people who lived in 15th century early Chos?n dynasty.

      • KCI등재

        조선 태종 10년 女眞에 대한 “북정(北征)”의 역사적 맥락과 그 여파

        정다함 ( Chong Daham ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 民族文化硏究 Vol.98 No.-

        본고는 우선, 태종 초반에서 태종 10년에 이르는 조선 내 권력구도의 변화를 살펴보고, 이를 바탕으로 태종이 1410년 3월 올적합·오도리·올량합 등에 소위 “정벌”을 강행하는 이유를 비판적으로 살펴본다. 태종이 부왕인 이성계를 밀어내고 권력을 차지한 것이, 태종과 여러 여진 세력 사이의 관계에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는가를 살펴볼 것이다. 다음으로 본고는 기존 연구들과는 관점을 달리하여, 동맹가첩목아와 파아손 등 여말 이래 태조 이성계와 밀접한 관계를 명의 초무를 받아들여 명에 입조하게 된 오도리·올량합·올적합 등의 수장들이, 소위 “人臣無外交”라는 원칙과는 달리 명에 入朝하면서도 전처럼 조선에 대한 入朝도 계속하겠다는 제안을 했던 것에 착목한다. 여기에 매우 중요한 의미가 있다고 보려는 것이다. 그리고 그런 입장에서, 이러한 여진 세력의 제안에 대해 태종이 어떤 입장을 취했는가 역시 비판적으로 살펴볼 것이다. 마지막으로 본고에서는, 태종이 1410년 2월 여진 세력이 경원을 침입한 것에 대해 강경하게 추진한 이 “정벌”이 구체적으로 진행되는 과정과 이 전쟁이 가져온 결과에 대해, 비판적으로 살펴볼 것이다. 나아가 이런 전쟁이 짧게는 약 1년 남짓한 기간 동안 조선의 동북면과 두만강 유역 여진 세력 모두에 어떤 파국적인 결과를 초래했는가를 보다 비판적으로 살펴볼 것이다. 그리고 마지막으로 장기적인 관점에서 태종이 강행한 이 전쟁이 세종대 여진 관계에 어떤 후과를 초래하게 되는가를 살펴보고 이후 세종대 여진 관계의 추이도 전망해보려 한다. Going beyond the nationalist narrative of post-1945 South Korean historiography which has only essentialized Chosŏn's position in the relations with its neighbours as an innocent victim based on “hereditary victimhood”, this paper seeks to revisit and rethink Chosŏn’s First Zengfa(征伐) against Jurchen tribes in Tumen river regions in 1410. By taking a closer look at what King T'ajong has gone through in domestic politics and in his response to Ming’s attempt to subjugate those major Jurchen chieftains of Tumen river regions who have served his father King T'aejo since late Koryŏ before the war, this paper will first explain the dubious motivation of King T'aejong to take this drastic military action against those Jurchen chieftains. Then, secondly, this paper will delve into the details of the process of this war, tries to explain how this war ended up slaughtering many Jurchen chieftains who didn't seem to be involved with the Jurchen raid on northen border town Kyŏngwŏn which triggered King T'aejong to proceed Zengfa(征伐). Finally, going beyond the existing frameworks which have only substantialized this military action of Chosŏn as a righteous self-defense, this paper will take a closer look at the apocalyptic consequences this war has caused around the frontier societies of Chosŏn and Jurchen in Tumen river regions and talk about what the people of both frontier societies had to suffered from this genocidal warfare.

      • KCI등재

        해방 이후 고려 · 조선시대사 연구에서의 관료제설, 막스 베버, 그리고 유교적 전통의 트랜스내셔널한 발명

        정다함(Daham Chong) 역사비평사 2021 역사비평 Vol.- No.137

        This paper first offers a post-colonial critique on Japanese colonial historiography and Post-1945 South Korean historiography on Confucian tradition of Korea that they both have shared a very essentialized understanding on Confucian tradition of Korea as unique nature of Korean society based on the same overarching evolutionary modernization narrative in spite of their contradictingly different definition of it as either premodern backwardness or Confucian modernity. In order to go beyond this still dominant essentialized bipolar view on Confucian tradition of Korea, based on a transnational perspective, this paper seeks to show how post-1945 South Korean historiography has redefined Confucian tradition of Korea. Then, to do so, this paper tries to historicize post-1945 South Korean historiography’s appropriation of Max Weber’s bureaucracy and modernization theories for the studies of Koryŏ-Chosŏn history from U.S. academia of social science and tries to rethink about the meaning of this appropriation within the broader context of Cold War and South Korean post-coloniality. Then, this paper turns to look at how post 1945 South Korean historiography on late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn history has struggled to rede ne and reinvent Confucian tradition of Korea as the unique origin of its own modernity that is as close as “Western Modernity”, based on this appropriation of Max Weber’s bureaucracy and modernization theories from 1945 to early 2000.

      • KCI등재
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