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      • KCI등재

        이(以)의 문법화 과정 고찰(하(下)) ― ≪시경(詩經)≫에 나타난 용례를 바탕으로

        장정임 ( Chang Jungim ) 중국어문연구회 2017 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.84

        This paper is a follow-up of the previous paper <The grammaticalization path of yi (以) -Based on its occurrences in The Book of Odes (Shijing ≪詩經≫)>. In the previous paper, it is illustrated that yi is originally a verb meaning ‘to lead’, and from its verbal usage, it is grammaticalized into an adposition with a wide range of usages. This paper investigates how yi is further grammaticalized from a postposition into a conjunction and what the conjunctional usages are. First of all, the widely-believed hypothesis that the conjunctional yi was derived from the form [VP<sub>1</sub>+以之+VP<sub>2</sub>] through the elision of zhi 之was rejected. Rather, it originated from the form [[VP<sub>1</sub>+以]<sub>PostP</sub>+VP<sub>2</sub>], where VP<sub>1</sub> is used as a nominalized object of the postpositional yi. This argument is supported by the fact that an adposition and a conjunction often share the same form in other languages and they are considered as the same part of speech. English before and after are such examples. As a conjunction, yi has a wide range of usages, such as cause and result, purpose, time sequence, and manner. It is also used as a noun phrase conjunction(NP-AND). The conjunctional yi which expresses cause/result or used as a purpose marker (all of which are often grouped as ‘consequence’ in the literature) all developed from the postpositional yi which expresses reason. Yi expressing time sequence was derived directly from the verbal yi meaning ‘to lead’. Yi expressing manner was derived from its postpositional usage meaning instrument. Yi used as an NP-AND originated from the postpositional yi indicating instrumental/comitative, a development which is broadly observed across languages.

      • KCI등재

        상고 한어 접속사 여(與)와 급(及)의 차이 재고찰(상(上))

        장정임 ( Chang Jungim ) 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.89

        The functional differences between yu 與 and ji 及, both of which were used as noun phrase conjunctions(NP-AND) in Archaic Chinese, have been controversial. This study illustrates their syntactic and semantic differences using a diachronic analysis informed by principles of linguistic typology and grammaticalization. This paper, which is the first half of an in-depth study of the differences between yu 與 and ji 及, investigates the origin and the grammaticalization path of yu 與. Yu 與 first started to appear in the bronze inscriptions. It is a picture of four hands holding an object (presumably a tooth). As a verb, yu 與 means ‘to give’ or ‘to be together with’. The grammaticalization path of yu 與 can be charted based on its occurrences in The Book of Documents (Shangshu ≪尙書≫) and The Book of Odes (Shijing ≪詩經≫). From a verb meaning ‘to be together with’, it first grammaticalized into an adverb meaning ‘together’, appearing in the form [與+Verb]<sub>VP</sub>. From an adverb, it further grammaticalized into a preposition meaning ‘with’, appearing in the form [Subj+[[與+Obj]<sub>PP</sub>+VP]<sub>VP</sub>].It finally grammaticalized into an NP-AND via a change of constituency and appeared in the form [A 與 B]<sub>NP</sub>. The grammaticalization path posited for yu 與 is supported by evidence from the history of Chinese, where comitative verbs were often grammaticalized into NP-AND. Examples include he 和 ‘to mix, to be together with’; tong 同 ‘same, to be together with’; gong 共 ‘to share, together’; bing 幷 ‘to combine, together’; gen 跟 ‘to follow’ and so on. Looking beyond Chinese, it is very common cross-linguistically to find comitative verbs grammaticalized into NP-AND via an intermediate stage of comitative adposition.

      • KCI등재

        고대 한어 허사 연(然)의 기원 및 품사 연구

        張廷任 ( Chang Jungim ) 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.103

        The origin and the part of speech of 然in Old Chinese have been controversial. Zhou (1959: 146-151) assumed that 然is a demonstrative meaning ‘this way.’ Norman (1988), Pulleyblank (1995), and Schuessler (2007) thought that 然is a fusion of [如‘to be like’+*n(pronoun)]. This study investigates the origin and the development of 然by analyzing its occurrences in the Bronze Inscriptions, The Book of Odes, The Book of Documents, and Zuo’s Commentary. It shows that 然is not just a demonstrative. Rather, it is a pro-form that substitutes for a verb phrase, a sentence, or the entire previous discourse. 然is equivalent to [如+*n] from both the syntactic and the phonological point of view. Its *-n ending derived from Old Chinese demonstratives with the *n- initial (*N- demonstratives henceforth) including 爾*nə, 乃*nə̂ʔ, 若*nak, 而*nə, and so on. *Ndemonstratives are very likely imported from the proto-Austroasiatic language, which extended as far north as the Yangtze river at that time. 然is also used as an adjectival suffix together with 焉, 爾, 如, 若, and 而. These suffixes share both semantic and phonological similarities. Semantically, 然, 如, and 若all mean ‘to be like.’ Phonologically, 爾, 若, and 而all belong to the set of *N- demonstratives in Old Chinese. 然(=[如+*n]) and 焉(=[於 +*n]) contain *N- demonstratives in their endings. In sum, the adjectival suffixes 然, 焉, 爾, 如, 若, and 而were used interchangeably due to their semantic and phonological closeness.

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