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장윤미(Jang Younmi) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2003 신아세아 Vol.10 No.3
This essay aims at enhancing our understanding on labor movements in post-reform China in the context of the socialist system. In order to do this analyzes voluntary collective actions and resistance by Chinese workers in three different periods. The most fundamental dynamics of Chinese labor movements are the three-way relationships among the Chinese Communist Party(CCP), formal labor unions, and individual workers. Chinese workers, for their part, have long responded to the on-and-off political opportunity structure under the limitations of the fragmented and authoritarian political system. Labor unions also tried hard to distance themselves or become independent from the party, especially when the party leadership is divided over power and policy. Since the late 1970s and continuing to date the launching of the reform and open-door drive has come with a fundamental shift in national labor policy and with the decline of the worker's political and economic status. Labor movements thus followed suit, and labor unions also actively sought for a now status as social groups by taking a host of reform measures. In particular, due largely to the introduction of the "marketization" measures and the modern enterprise system in 1992, the state's social control mechanism was decentralized and the danwei("unit") - the traditional redistribution mechanism - was replaced with the market. As a result, the power of company managers was strengthened, whereas the workers, the masters of the socialist states, became subject to the increasingly despotic labor process. It is important to note that while labor resistance in the early and mid-1990s was made by individual workers who had been marginalized and displaced, labor movements after the restructuring of the state-owned enterprises(SOEs) in 1997 were mostly engineered by the workers who had previously been protected by the socialist system. It is this process of marginalization, against which Chinese labor movements in the 1990s should be understood. Moreover, such resistance tends to transcend the erstwhile limits of space and issue-areas and might develop into an organized social movement in the future. While it is true that the major issues of the current labor movements remain those of economic nature, it cannot be ruled out that - when combined with the corruption and malpractices of the bureaucrats, menagers, and entrepreneurs - they could turn to a far more explosive movement of political nature. It is then their survival that matters.
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장윤미(Younmi Jang) 한국정치학회 2004 한국정치학회보 Vol.38 No.3
본 논문에서는 중국 노조의 구조적 특징을 분석하고, 전통적인 노조 모델인 고전적 이중주의가 개혁 이후 어떠한 변형적 특징을 보이는지를 분석함으로써 노조의 정치적 역할의 변화를 전망하고 있다. 중국 노조는 당과 구조적으로 긴밀하게 연결되어 순응적 성격을 띠며, 지방과 산별노조, 전국과 기층 노조가 완전히 분리된 조직형태를 갖추고 있다. 이러한 구조적 제약으로 인해 중국의 노조는 조직적 역량으로 성장하지 못하고 당과 행정에 의존적일 수밖에 없었지만, 시장화 개혁이후 기존의 이익관계가 다양화되면서 노조의 역할이 증대된다. 이익개념에 대한 규정과 당 통제의 정도에 따라 노조의 역할이 조정되는데, 개혁 이후에는 주로 ‘기능적 이중주의’의 성격을 띤다. 기능적 이중주의는 중국 노조가 기존 체제 내에서 향유하던 독점적 권력을 포기하지 않는 전제 하에서 노동자 이익 대표자의 역할을 강화해나가는 과정 중에 나타난 모델이다. 이는 현실적으로 취약한 대중적 기반을 갖고 있는 노조가 취한 우회적이고 실용적인 전략적 선택이었지만, 이를 통해 강화된 사회적 역할은 주로 갈등을 해소하고 안정을 유지하는 기능적인 역할을 수반한다. This paper discusses the structural characteristics of Chinese trade unions and analyses the variational characteristics of the classic dualism in reform periods in order to prospect the change of the union’s political role. Chinese trade unions are structurally close to the CCP, and since the unions are compliant with the CCP, which are completely separated organizational form between local unions and industrial unions, country unions and grass roots unions. In this structural restrict, the Chinese trade unions were not growing as organic capacity, and dependent on the party and administration. With the economic reforms the existing interest relationship was diversified, and the role of Chinese trade unions were enlarged. According to the interest concept and the degree of party control, the role of Chinese trade unions were resettled. The CCP gave trade unions authority to deal with many social problems, while trade unions positively accepted the Party-leadership principle. Therefore, Chinese trade unions played the role of functional dualism at reform periods instead of a classic dualism. The functional dualism model was appearing in the process of strengthening the representative role of the unions representing workers, on the premise that no renunciation of their monopolistic power in existing system. The unions needed the resources of state power to obtain an organizational influence, so they chose the detoured and pragmatist strategy. Through the strengthened social role, the chinese trade unions took charge of functional role dissolving discord and maintaining stability.
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