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- 저자 : 이태숙 ( Lee Tai-sook ) (검색결과 27 건)
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李泰淑(Lee Tai-Sook) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.182
It is widely said that Korea is similar to Ireland. However, this statement is very vague since the assumed similarities between the two countries have never been specified; specification might lead to an articulation of a Korean national identity. This paper confronts this statement and investigates Yanaihara Tadao's articles on the two countries which have been influential in defining their national identities. Yanaihara is a prominent Japanese scholar of colonial policies who has written that Korea is "Japan's Ireland." While writing with the aim of learning lessons from Japanese colonial rule, he devoted only one paragraph to the "Irish question" by making an analogy between Irish-British and Korean-Japanese relations. Therefore his analogy is a very limited, and moreover, a forced one, since he makes the historically-false and pro-imperial statement that Korea voluntarily maintained a close economic and military relationship with Japan. Yanaihara's articles on Korea in the 1920s strongly criticized the repressiveness of the Japanese colonial law and proposed the establishment of a colonial parliament. While his proposal was one of the most liberal, it contained several shortcomings. First, it was unrealistic, considering the weakness of the Japanese parliament itself. Second, he ignored the lesson learned from Irish history that showed that a colonial parliament could not solve colonial discontent. Here the foundation of Yanaihara's analogy between Korea and Ireland crumbles, since in addition to, or because of, the strain it put on facts regarding the two countries. Therefore it did not lead to a better policy for Korea. When Yanaihara's views are brought up in conjunction with the statement that Korea and Ireland are similar, we must remember that his views are an artifact of the Japanese colonial era.
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아일랜드 대기근과 영국정부의 구호정책: 1845-1849
이태숙 ( Lee Tai-sook ) 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2021 인문학연구 Vol.- No.47
이 논문은 거의 5년간 지속된 아일랜드대기근 동안 영국정부의 구호정책의 변화를 조사했다. 영국의 구호정책의 변화를 야기할 변수로서 정책주체에 초점을 맞춰 보수당과 자유당, 수상을 비롯한 정치가들과 관료, 그리고 타임스를 비롯한 언론을 선정하고 각각의 구호정책제안을 비교했다. 결론은 보수당과 자유당이 빈민에게 제한적으로 식량을 공급하고 공공사업을 벌였을 때 정책양상이나 자유주의이념에서 양당 사이에 큰 차이가 없다는 것이다. 영국 구호정책의 변화시점은 기근 3년차인 1847년 자유당정부가 새 빈민법을 제정했을 때인데 그 의의는 4가지다. 첫째, 법에서 보는 변화는 노역원운영과 옥외구호를 병행하고 구호비용을 아일랜드빈민세에 전담시킨 것이다. 둘째, 빈민법제정에 이르는 논란이 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 아일랜드인에 대한 폄하가 난무했고 재난의 책임을 아일랜드인에게 지우며 대두한 응징론이 법에 반영됐다. 셋째, 아일랜드인 폄하는 언론이 가장 노골적으로 표명했다는 점에서만 다를 뿐 내용에서 관료 트리벨리언이나 수상을 비롯한 정치가들의 인식도 다르지 않았다. 넷째, 1847년 빈민법의 근본의의는 영국정부가 구호의 직접책임을 방기하고 아일랜드를 영국과 별개의 단위로 표상하는 것을 강화함으로써 영국과 아일랜드의 합방이념을 약화시켰다는 데 있다. 결국 영국정부는 아일랜드대기근에 대처한 정책에서 아일랜드인의 반감을 키웠고 의도하지 않은 채 합방체제를 약화했다. Since the Great Irish Famine lasted for almost 5 years, the British relief policy to cope with it was to be in vicissitudes. This article focuses on the policy formulators in a broad sense such as the Conservative ministers, the Liberal ministers, a key senior civil administrator and the press, and compares their relief policy proposals as well as decisions. What this paper finds is that there was no great difference in the relief policy between Conservatives and Liberals in that both governments with their belief in the liberal political economy arranged limited food supply and administered the relief works for the hungry Irish. The crucial change in the British relief policy was brought about by the new Poor Law in 1847. The law newly facilitated outdoor relief as well as Workhouses and stipulated Irish poor rates as the revenue. The fierce and rather prolonged debates over the legislation released stark contempts for the Irish, some of which the law had incorporated. The prejudice against the Irish was expressed most loudly in the press, but almost all the key politicians and administrators shared it more or less. Thus the Poor Law of 1847, which abrogated the relief responsibility of the British government and represented Ireland as a separate country, weakened the idea of the Union of Britain and Ireland. The Union was the casualty of the stingy and short-sighted relief policies of the British government during the Great Famine years.
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바그다드의 구심력과 쿠르드지역의 원심력 사이 -이라크 쿠르드족에 대한 20세기 전반 영국의 정책-
이태숙 ( Tai Sook Lee ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2006 중동연구 Vol.24 No.2
The aim of this paper is, by way of a historical approach, to delineate the current situation of the Iraqi Kurds and to assess U.S. policy options towards them. The needs to study Kurds have greatly been enhanced because of the stay of Korean army in Arbil of Kurdistan. Moreover, the Kurdish issue becomes a major factor of instability in the Middle East as well as Iraq. For, Kurds estimated over 30millions are the largest nation in the world without its own nation-state and, being divided across over 5 states, have frequently been involved in the conflicts between regional states as well as with particular central governments. This paper examines the British experience in Iraq during the first half of the 20th century. Since Britain built the new Iraqi state which includes South Kurdistan, it not only affected greatly on the Iraqi politics in general but laid the foundations for the relationship between Iraqi central government and South Kurds. Documents this paper investigates range from Foreign Minister Curzon`s announcement, to Churchill`s speech and letter as Minister for the Colonies, to treaties between Britain and Iraq, and to the Iraqi Constitution. In a way Britain can be viewed as having been caught between the centripetal Baghdad government and centrifugal Kurdistan, the structure of which Britain itself built. However, as guardian for the Baghdad government which was vital to ensure Britain`s strategical and economic interests in the region, Britain was to side with the Baghdad government. Under the British policy bias and the overwhelming centripetal pressure from the Baghdad government, the scope for the Kurdish autonomy became increasingly narrow. While at present Iraqi Kurds enjoy relative peace and prosperity under U.S. special protection, their situation is highly precarious. As the new Baghdad government establishes itself under the U.S. guardianship, its centripetal power towards Kurds would become stronger and U.S. would have little options but to support or at least to tolerate it. Thus U.S. is about to follow in the British footsteps. Still worse scenarios could be anticipated, especially in the case of U.S. hasty withdrawal. As a Kurd proverb ominously reminds that Kurds have no friends but mountains, Iraqi Kurds have few friends surrounded by many hostile forces. As long as Korean army stays in Arbil, study of highly volatile South Kurdistan as well as U.S. and Baghdad government is never to be enough.
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