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이장우 ( Lee Jang-wu ),박종용 ( Park Jong-yong ) 연민학회 2017 연민학지 Vol.27 No.-
In traditional Sino-Korean literature (漢文學), basic classical materials are well read and well memorized, and based on getting emotional recognition. In parallel with such a background, we should cultivate the recognition of reason by taking into consideration the system of various scholars, and it is said that the study of Chinese letters [Hanhak, Sino-Korean] develops properly. In case of the Tongcheng School (桐城派) in the Qing Dynasty, the stage of learning is taught as Xungu (訓誥, philology, the interpretation of a Chinese classic), Yli (義理, learning and acting of meaning and principle), and Czhang (詞章, to compose poems and essays). The Xungu (訓誥) is the literary comprehensive knowledge philology], including linguistic knowledge, which is a basic element for reading classical literature. The Yli (義理) is a way to identify the deep meaning and right reason in such a sentence. The Czhang (詞章) is a literary effort that writes in his own words what one has learned through the Xungu(訓誥) and Yili(義理). YeonMin (淵民 1917~1987), based on traditional Chinese learning, has lectured Chinese classics and written Sino-Korean texts in a university where it`s absorbed into a new institution in the modern world. He can be said to combine the New with the Old by companying the Xungu(訓誥) and Yili(義理). and Czhang(詞章). However, those [New Sino-Korean Scholars] who study exclusively within the new institutional system are generally weak in reading ability about the Chinese sentences. Rather, modern Western scholarship and the Japanese way of learning that learned it earlier are included within to some extent, so the ability of the Scholars on analyzing the theory can be said to be better than that of those who studied only in the traditional way in old days. But if it does not stand on a sufficient philological basis, it will only become a house of cards. There are many such trends in the universities that teach subjects such as Literature, history, and Philosophy related to Chinese Letters, Chinese, especially in many universities in Korea, and they are also used to imitate or copy foreign things. However, as economic power has improved and computer technology has developed, new trend has brought to the new beginning in Chinese and Korean studies. There are People who again read Chinese classics accurately and interpret them with a systematic education on Chinese classics and a translation and annotation work that are carried out with the support of the national and large corporations, re-arrangement and computerization of massive classical materials. There are also some amazing new-new scholars who have competently demonstrated their abilities in the world of Sino-Korean literature (漢文學), which is already globalized. As the interest in the value of oriental classics spreads more and more to the whole world, we will have to learn Chinese characters and Chinese characters more and more and I believe that Sino-Korean literature(漢文學) will become more and more booming. This will lead to a career path in humanities that worries so much these days.
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이장우(Lee, Jang-wu) 대동한문학회 2017 大東漢文學 Vol.50 No.-
The source of some systematic bibliographic information about the humanistic image of Toegye Yi Whang(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570) may be the Chronological list(年譜), the Memoirs (a chronicle of Toegye’s sayings anddoings: 言行錄, Yeonhangrok), the Records of a deceased person’s life(行狀, Hangjang), and the Inscription(碑文, Bemoon) and so forth. However, since all these materials come from the hands of his disciples and descendants, they are solely based on the one-sided respect for him, and it is very difficult to trust and utilize all the contents as the objective data. This is the same for any other former sages. However, at present, it is believed that the contents of these materials are faithfully believed in the biography, critical essay, research paper, and dissertation and so on about Toegye Yi Whang. The purpose of this article is to discuss and point out a little the difference between the contents of the Memoirs (a chronicle of Toegye’s sayings and doings: 言行錄, Yeonhangrok) which was completed by the school of Hakbong (Kim Seongil 金誠一) taking the initiative in compiling it, and the contents of Family Letters (家書, Gaseo) which were sent to his son and grandchild himself. Generally, in the former, in order to highlight the image of Toegye as a saint, only the image of the pioneer who has practiced boldly by taking precedence over the male-centered legitimacy has been thoroughly emphasized like Confucian such as 朱子(zhūzǐ) to emphasize only with the image of a simple Confucian Scholar who felt pleasure in learning and writing only even in the midst of poverty like 顔子(yánzǐ) and 陶渊明 (táoyuānmíng), to live in a still-living wife’s house in the 16th century Chosun Society, and to firmly refuse for the inheritance to equally distributed with gender equality. However, in this article, I compared the text of Toegye’s letter to his son or grandchild with that of the Memoirs (言行錄, yánxínglù) and he pointed out that this is not the real image of Toegye who lived in the 16th century but the figure of the god of the late Choseon Dynasty. I pointed out that it is the figure of nobleman(yangban) of the Choseon Dynasty which was completed about a century later, not the actual image of Toegye who lived in the 16th century. I have come to think of this as a broad clue received by the scholars who study history, but it is still a dark and frustrating side that is almost unfamiliar to those studying philosophy or literature. Aside from many disciples, Hakbong(Kim Seongil, 金誠一) and his successors became the most influential school among the Yeongnam schools by taking the initiative of compiling the Memoirs (a chronicle of Toegye’s sayings and doings: 言行錄). Moreover, even if they do not match with reality, they have been able to exert their influence and to exert great influence by emphasizing the image of Toegye and distinctively honoring their Master, Yi Toegye as a revered spiritual teacher. 이퇴계의 모습에 관한 좀 체계적인 문헌 정보의 근원은 아마도 그에 관한 연보, 언행록, 행장, 비문 등이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 그런데 이러한 자료들은 모두가 그의 제자나 후손들의 손에서 나온 것들이기 때문에 일방적인 존경심만을 바탕에 깔고 있어, 객관적인 자료로서 모든 내용을 그대로 다믿고 활용하기에는 매우 어려운 점이 있다. 이 점은 다른 선현에 대한 것도 똑 같은 면이 있다. 그러나 현금 이퇴계에 대한 전기, 평전, 연구서나 논문등등에서는 이러한 자료들에 적힌 내용을 그대로 墨守 신봉하고 있다. 이 글은 그 중에서도 특히 학봉(김성일) 학파에서 주도권을 잡고서 완성 시킨 언행록의 내용을 퇴계가 친히 아들, 손자에게 보낸 가서의 내용과 비교하여 차이가 나는 점을 좀 부각시켜 논의하여 보았다. 대체로 전자에서는 성현으로서의 ‘퇴계 상’을 부각시키기 위하여, 顔子나 도연명과 같이 가난 속에서도 학문과 글쓰기에만 즐거움을 느낀 조촐한 선비의 모습으로만 부각시킨 점과, 16세기 조선 사회에 여전히 상존하던 처가살이라든가, 남녀 균분 상속 같은 것을 단호하게 거부하고 주자와 같은 성리학자들과 같이 남성 중심의 宗法을 몸소 앞장서서 과감하게 실천해 나간 선구자 같은 모습만 철저하게 부각시키고 있다. 그러나 필자는 이 글에서 퇴계가 아들이나 손자에게 보낸 편지 내용을 언행록과 비교 검토하면서 이것은 16세기에 살았던 퇴계 선생의 실제 모습이 아니라 그보다 한 세기 쯤 뒤에 완성되어진 조선 후기의 양반 선비의 모습이라는 것을 지적하였다. 필자는 이러한 점을 대개 역사를 연구하는 사람들에게서 힌트를 얻어서 생각하게된 것이지만, 여전히 철학이나 문학을 연구하는 사람들에게는 거의 수긍되지 않는 캄캄하고도 답답한 구석이기도이다. 여러 제자들을 제쳐두고 학봉과 그 후계자들이 언행록 편찬의 주도권을 잡음으로써, 영남학파 중에서 가장 영향력 있는 학파로 부상하게 되었다. 게다가 비록 실제와는 부합하지 않는다 하더라도, 그들 나름으로 ‘퇴계 상’을 부각하여 구호와 기치를 선명하게 듦으로써 기선을 잡고 큰 영향력을 발휘하게 되었다.
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이장우(Lee Jang-wu) 한국인물사연구소 2009 한국인물사연구 Vol.12 No.-
17세기에 인조·효종·현종 세 임금 밑에서 22년이나 재상을 지낸 정태화의 문집 『陽坡遺稿』(16권)와 그의 행적에 관한 자료를 모아놓은 『實記』(4권), 『年記』(2권) 같은 책 내용 중에는, 병자호란이후의 대청관계, 대명관계, 북벌주장과, 효종 승하 후의 예론 등등에 관련된 일화와 당시 국정의 중심에 서 있었던 정태화 본인이나, 또는 그를 추종한 사람들의 이야기를 많이 얻어들을 수 있다. 그는 매우 현실에 밝은 정치가로서, 실현성이 없는 북벌은 가능성이 없는 것으로 보았고, 중국의 여러 가지 예서를 검토하는 것보다는 조선왕조의 관례에 따라서 1년 복으로 할 것을 지지하였다. 그가 평생동안 쓴 글은 그의 사후 집안의 화재로 태반이 소실되고, 남은 글만 재 수집하여 엮은 것이 곧 『양파유고』인데, 이 책에서는 젊을 때 통진현감, 원접사의 종사관, 충청감사 등 지방관을 역임할 때나 지방으로 출장 중에 친구들과 어울리어 기생들을 데리고 놀며 장난삼아 썼던 시고들은 그래도 많은 양이 그대로 수록되어 있다. 여기 담긴 매우 풍부한 靑樓문학 자료는 한국한문학에서 아주 희귀할 것으로 생각한다. 이 글은 이 유고와 실기의 완역하면서 읽어본 내용을 이야기 형식으로 한번 요약하여 소개하는 것이다. Cheong Tae-hwa, who was the prime minister of the King Hyojong(孝宗) and the King Hyunjong(顯宗) period, was very famous for his long taking the office of government above 22 years, by his realistic attitute on the new Manchurian intervention and keeping Korean traditional rite. With several friends, I have translated his literary remains, the Yangpa Yugo(陽坡遺稿), and his life stories, the Yangpa Silgi(陽坡實記). The Silgi was published by the Buy-Books(Seoul, 2007). In the Yugo we can find about 100 poems writing Gisaeng, whom he, mainly, met in his twenties and thirties as a county head, an assistant of envoy, and a governer of province. These poems are unusual in Korean writings and very important to study the literature about the gay world, Cheonglu(靑樓).
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이장우 ( Jang Wu Lee ) 연민학회 2015 연민학지 Vol.23 No.-
Looking at correspondence between T`oegye (Yi Hwang, 1501-1570) and Yulgok (Yi Yi, 1536-1584) contained in their respective collected works, this paper assesses differences in how these two collections portray relations between the two scholars. The Collected Works of T`oegye (T`oegye munjip) feature eight poems from T`oegye to Yulgok, while in the Collected Works of Yulgok (T`onghaeng bon Yulgok munjip) we find only four from Yulgok to Toegye. This imbalance in composing a poem for the other goes against common practice of correspondence between a senior and a junior scholar, and against the underlying relations of respect for seniority and intellectual status embedded in Confucian tradition. It is hard to imagine a junior scholar - Yulgok, thirty five years younger than T`oegye - being so unresponsive to his senior. The four poems to T`oegye, moreover, are scattered throughout the Yulgok munjip between the main volumes and “Swaeon”, an appendix volume with miscellaneous writings, their significance unnoted. Viewing Yulgok himself as a sincere and respectful scholar requires that we interpret this positioning relative to T`oegye as a posthumous effort, a consequence of editing rather than a reflection of the scholar whose works were collected. This basic vantage point offers further insight into the relationship between the two scholars when records from the two sides are compared. Multiple records from T`oegye`s side agree that twenty-three year old Yulgok visited T`oegye, then fifty-eight years of age, at T`oegye`s residence in Tosan, and stayed three days of extended visit due to rain. According to records on T`onghaeng bon Yulgok munjip, it was two days, and it was T`oegye, the senior, who initiated their correspondence by sending letters with poem, to which Yulgok`s responses come across as a lukewarm formality. In exploring such differences, this paper reveals the hidden hands of editors, particularly those of Yulgok`s works, who belonged to the Noron Faction. The imbalances of representation noted above, while plausible in light of the factional politics that enshrine an apical ancestor and distort master-pupil relationships at odds with that narrative, are inconsistent with scholarly tradition itself and the broader framework of social relations that sustained it.
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