백사(白沙) 이항복(李恒福)의 「조천록(朝天錄)」 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한자한문교육학회 2006 漢字 漢文敎育 Vol.17 No.-

本稿는 白沙 李恒福이 ``丁應泰의 誣告事件``을 해결하기 위해서 陳奏使로 明에 다녀오면서 見聞과 所懷를 기록한 「朝天錄」을 연구함으로써 文學世界와 함께 使行文學으로써의 의의를 찾고자 하였다. 使行文學은 使命의 완수를 위한 公的 목적을 가지고 있기 때문에 일반 紀行文學과는 다른 성격을 갖고 있지만, 使臣은 일반적으로 뛰어난 文士중에서 선발되었기 때문에 창작된 작품의 수준이 높았으며, 특히 白沙의 「朝天錄」은 對明關係 使行文學 硏究에 중요한 작품으로써의 가치를 갖고 있다. 「朝天錄」의 문학세계는 크게 ``異國景物에 대한 稱歎``, ``使行旅程의 哀歡``, ``憂國愛民의 衷情``, ``歷史의 鑑戒``로 나누어 분석해 볼 수 있다. 「朝天錄」의 문학적 의의는 기존의 使行錄에 비하여 한층 발전적인 모습의 내용과 형식을 제시함으로써, 후대 使行錄과 使行文學이 내용과 형식면에서 다양하고 우수한 많은 작품들이 창작되는데 영향을 주었을 것으로 보인다. 앞으로의 남은 과제는 아직까지 연구가 미진한 使行文學에 대한 특징을 고찰함으로써 使行文學고유의 문학적 의의를 도출해 내고, 또한 古文家로서 인정을 받았던 白沙에 대한 연구가 필요하다고 할 수 있겠다. This article is aimed at investigating the significance of emissary literature by studying "Jocheonnok" in which experiences and impressions on the way to Ming are recorded by envoy Baeksa Lee Hang-bok to solve the false charge case on Jeong Eung-tae. Emissary literature is different to general travel literature because it has a public goal to accomplish an envoy mission. However, emissary literature works are excellent because they were written by envoys selected among excellent literary men. In particular, Baeksa`s Jocheonnok is valuable as an important work for the study of the emissary literature related to Ming. The literary world of Jocheonnok can be analyzed by roughly dividing it into "impression on foreign culture," "joys and sorrows of the envoy trip," "patriotism," and "historical lessons." Jocheonnok is meaningful in literature in that it was likely to have an effect on the creation of excellent emissary literature works with various contents and styles by suggesting more developed contents and styles compared to the existing emissary literature. In the future, it is expected to discover the unique significance of emissary literature by investigating its characteristics which have not been fully researched and to study on Baeksa who was recognized as an brilliant literary man in old times.

연헌(蓮軒) 이의무(李宜茂)의 한시(漢詩) 일고찰(一考察) - 『잡시류(雜詩類)』를 중심(中心)으로 -

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2021 한문학논집 Vol.58 No.-

Lee Eui-moo is a representative tattoo that was mainly active in Joseon Seongjong and Yeonsan-gun, and was excellent in poetry, excellent in the quality of sentences, and is evaluated as a person who participated in all publications related work. In Lee Eui-moo’s collection of books, Yeonheonjapgo, contains 352 Chinese poems of 496 verses, while Book2’s “Jabshiryu” contains 215 articles 338 verses of various themes. First, look at the work that expresses the appearance of Bacchus in alcohol and the pursuit of a comfortable and free life, Lee Eui-moo originally enjoyed poetry and liquor very much, and was proud of himself as ‘Bacchus in alcohol’. He showed his excitement through poetry and alcohol, or showed his free life. It is understood that in the turbulent times of the time, hopes were great, but in the later years, he was delayed by a low government office and tried to receive comfort through poetry and alcohol. Secondly, looking at the works that expressed hope through the great metaphor of the classics, it can be seen that Lee Eui-moo pursued the Song Dynasty Chinese poetry style. Lee Eui-moo liked to use classics in several works, and among them, through the metaphor of his classics, it is possible to confirm the tendency to reveal his hopes in his implicit appearance. Third, through the works expressing the contradictory feelings toward his head, we can see the tendency to long for and pursue situations that are contrary to his position. In fact, this psychology is a general tendency of bureaucrats, but Lee Eui-moo has a clear tendency compared to other literary figures due to the atmosphere of the times and the free nature of the time. Fourth, the proportion of farewells to people leaving local governments or envoy’s is high in “Jabshiryu”, so many works recommend sightseeing with Chiguntaekmin. When a person with whom he has been associated is about to be assigned to a local government office, he tends to focus on working well and filial piety.

양곡소세양(陽谷蘇世讓)의 연행시연구(燕行詩硏究) -회동관문금(會同館門禁)의 인식양상(認識樣相)을 중심(中心)으로 -

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한문고전학회 2013 한문고전연구 Vol.26 No.1

This article aims to consider Yanggok(陽谷) Soseyang`s(蘇世讓; 1486~1562) yeonhaengsi(燕行詩) regarding the aspects of recognition on ‘Hoedonggwan(會同館) Mungeum(門禁)’ in Peking and its significance as yeonghaeng literature. Yanggok`s yeonhaengsi is mostly 7-eon jeolgu and yulsi in general, and it seems to have been his efforts to cope diplomatically with the arbitrary exams conducted under king`s special command and the exchange of poems. Also, we can see that his works contrast the situations of ‘Mungeum’ and ‘excursion’ distinctively and describe it frankly. Looking into his works showing his sense of shame and critical mind towards Mungeum, first of all, we see that Yanggok simply recognized Mungeum as ‘Muieodalja (無異於?子; ones the same as barbarians)’, that is, ‘Naebok (內服; the status equivalent to that of the sovereign princely states)’. And it was the uncomfortable truth that they mistreated Chosun, a country of courtesy, identically with the barbarians wearing a pigtail. This was recognized to negate or weaken the status of Chosun that was regarded superior to that of surrounding nations. He was in agony as comparing his confined life in Hoedonggwan like a prisoner`s to chosu(楚囚; a person living as a captive in a foreign land) and showed critical mind bout Mungeum. Yet, he also indicated the aspects of resignation thinking of his wishes for return to his hometown feeling the limitations of positive exchange due to the practice of ‘Insinmuoegyo (人臣無外交)’. Next, examining his works expressing excitedness of ‘Hwangdoyuram (皇都 遊覽)’ and ‘Oililchulgwan (五日一出館)’, we see that he used all the authentic precedents associated with each of the places in order to express sense of realism and diverse thoughts about the objects he actually saw in the excursion. He made efforts to enhance implication as well as symbolicity and also showed his confidence in the excursion. And it is considerably different from his world of works created in the Mungeum situation. His dualistic world of works may have been influenced by the specific place and situation, that is, Hoedonggwan and Mungeum. Mungeum was the system that strictly restricted not only Chosun yeonhaengsa`s outing but also exchange with people, too, so it is the biggest reason why we can hardly find their exchange with foreign figures or description of Peking in Yeonhaengrok written in Ming Dynasty.

매계(梅溪) 조위(曺偉)의 연행문학(燕行文學) 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한문고전학회 2012 한문고전연구 Vol.25 No.1

This article aims to consider the works about traveling contained in the collection of Maegye (梅溪) Jowi (曺偉) (1454~1503) and examine the features and characteristics of Maegye`s travel literature. First of all, this study considered the naming of Yeonhaengrok and works about traveling through historical investigation on 「Yeonhaengrok」 based on the period of traveling, process of traveling, and the period of social intercourse, etc. Among the existing works of 54 Je (題) 73 Su (首) contained in 「Yeonhaengrok」, the works of 31 Je (題) 41 Su (首) were classified as the ones dealing with traveling. Also, to consider the characteristics of travel literature, this paper classified Jeungbeolsi (贈別詩) works of 5 Je (題) 5 su (首) and Hong Gwi Dal`s work of Zengxulei prose as the works of traveling. Yeonhaengsi`s world of works was examined largely in the following divisions: ``admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia``, ``encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse``, and ``sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites``. First of all, in the world of works dealing with ``admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia``, Maegye wrote Jeungbeolsi for this coworkers who were about to travel to express his passion to create novel works and expectation for the tourism. And during traveling, when he encountered something exotic, he expressed the emotion of admiration. Also, when he passed by a prosperous city, he felt Ming (明) as China. Yet, once facing difficulty in the process of a long journey, he showed his humane aspects as well not hiding his nostalgia. Second, this study examined the works expressing the perspectives of ``encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse``. Maegye also recommended the persons of social intercourse to take the tourism of exoticness as a chance to write a new poem. This viewpoint shows his consciousness of Munijaedoron (文以載道論). Also, for the figure of his social intercourse in Peking, he expressed respect for his character and knowledge. Yet, for the specific situation of diplomacy, he tended to be very consistent with compliment and respect in terms of his poetry`s topics and contents. Third, this study considered the aspects of Maegye`s historic consciousness through the works expressing ``sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites``. Maegye`s evaluation on Qinshihuangdi is quite contrary. He had such rational historic consciousness about Qinshihuangdi`s desert. Particularly, hispositive evaluation on the Great Wall of China seems to have been affected by not only the utility of Kameralismus and the symbol of advanced culture but the periodic situation that the wall was built until the latter period of Ming complexly. We can see that he did recalling and showed admiration at the historic sites. As passing by the relics or historic sites, Maegye did not simply do recalling or show admiration but tried to get impressions through Ongojisin (溫 故知新) and Jeoncheolbuldap (前轍不踏) by recognizing and reevaluating history critically. Regarding the literary significance of Maegye`s travel literature, first, we can see that Yeonhaengsi (燕行詩) was influenced greatly by Sosik (蘇軾) or Gangseosi School (江西詩派). The form of Chinese poetry mostly adopted was Chileonyulsi, and in terms of rhetoric, Yongjeon (用典) or Hwangoltaltae Method (換骨奪胎法) was often taken. Next, Maegye`s Yeonhaengsi pursued the world of lyrical works centering around Chileonyulsi and showed positive social intercourse.

한문교과(漢文敎科)와 생명과학교과(生命科學敎科)의 상관성고찰(相關性考察) -일반고이학과정학생(一般高理學課程學生)들의 교과성취도(敎科成就度)와 생명과학용어(生命科學用語)의 학습양상(學習樣相)을 中心으로-

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한문고전학회 2014 한문고전연구 Vol.28 No.1

This article considered correlation between the Chinese subject and the life science subject focusing on the subject achievement and aspects of learning life science terms of students in the course of natural sciences at general high school. According to the results of the survey, students in the course of natural sciences have a strong tendency to develop their aptitude and specialty and choose subjects that are interesting to them in terms of the importance and preference of subjects. Therefore, it is needed to enhance the degree of importance and interest of the Chinese subject by designing the class properly so that they can regard that the Chinese subject is helpful in cultivating their refinement and directly in learning other subjects, too. Correlation between the Chinese subject and the life science subject was considered by using a statistical analysis package, I-STATistic. Regarding their achievement between the Chinese subject and the life science subject, in the way of learning life science terms` group, there was significant difference between Chinese characters` group terms and Western words` group terms. About Chinese characters` group terms, the statistical analysis has shown that the way of learning was correlated with subject achievement while the achievement of Western words` group terms is correlated with subject achievement. According to the results of analyzing the terms contained in life science textbooks in order to develop efficient teaching methods for Chinese characters` group life science terms, Chinese characters showing high frequency of use include many Chinese characters for middle school education, and they consist of Chinese characters that can be learned relatively easily, and in the Chinese subject, they can be properly used as examples when teaching words related with prerequisite learning. As basic directions for teaching Chinese characters` group life science terms, we should consider four things: first, when teaching academic terms for the life science subject, it is necessary to use mainly the Chinese characters highly transferable in learning as they show high frequency of use. Second, it is desirable not to analyze the meaning of words that have been included in Korean, highly abstruse words not included in 1800 Chinese characters for education, or proper nouns inefficient to be understood with Chinese characters. Third, in order to increase correlation between the Chinese subject and the life science subject, it is needed to examine positively the organization of the curriculum and textbooks that are helpful in enhancing Korean reading skills. Fourth, to make above suggestions produce actual results, it is necessary to revise ``exclusive Hangul use`` policy institutionally so that we can establish an environment to write Hangul and Chinese characters together in textbooks or teaching materials.

소세양(蘇世讓)의 사행경험(使行經驗)과 사행시(使行詩)

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 한국한문고전학회 2021 한문고전연구 Vol.43 No.1

This paper examines the diplomatic experience and diplomatic poetry of Yanggok So Se-yang (1486~1562). Yanggok's diplomatic records consisted of diplomatic poems and 「Bukyung Ilgi」. Diplomatic Poems are listed in order according to date and course, and Fuji is attached, which makes it highly complete as a separate book. The diplomatic diary, 「Bukyung Ilgi」, is inconsistent with the miscellaneous articles of the intermediate version 『Yanggokjip』, and briefly records daily journeys and major events. Yanggok's diplomatic poems and 「Bukyung Ilgi」 are complementary records and works. Yanggok's diplomatic trip to Jinhasa was a series of painful journeys, including the uncooperative attitude of Ming officials, conflicts with the dignitaries, and bad weather. Yanggok delivered the diplomatic order to celebrate the birth of the Crown Prince safely, and completed separate orders for ‘removing the gates of the Hoedonggwan’ and ‘identifying the list of incumbent eunuchs from Joseon’. Yanggok was criticized for giving a poem to Yebu Sangseo Ha-eon after his return to Korea. However, it was a good example to show that the literary skills necessary for diplomacy are closely related to the resolution of diplomatic issues. As the world of works of Diplomatic Literature, we first looked at the ‘study of experience and the journey of the audience’. As can be seen in the case of Dongakmyo and Jupilsan, he did not follow the tradition of other diplomatic records, but left a unique experience of experience. In addition, you can see the figure as a writer looking for the subject of Chinese poetry amid difficulties such as pain due to uneven weather during diplomatic travel, threats from Dalja, and a sense of humiliation due to mungeum at the Hoedonggwan. In ‘Double Perception of Gajeong emperor's reign’, Yanggok viewed Myeong, who is basically the object of respect, as a civilized country with respect and envy. However, by vividly depicting the corruption of the officials, the greediness of the students, and the people living their lives by eating human meat due to severe hunger, it showed a dual aspect of Gajeong emperor's reign. In consideration of ‘various exchanges with foreign figures’, Yanggok shared active negotiation and fellowship with officials of the ceremonies such as Ming Yebusangseo, Jedogjusa, and Seoban. In addition, Yanggok seems to have felt curiosity and affinity for the envoys from the Yugu. On the other hand, the envoys from the Yeojin who came from the vicinity of Jongseong, Hamgyeong Province can generally feel wary and ridiculed. It seems that he tried to effectively reveal his diplomatic experience through 「Bukyung Ilgi」 along with many diplomatic poems in Yanggok.

『鶴峯全集』 所載 燕行作品의 選別과 再編次 小考

Lee Soung hyung(李聖炯) 대동한문학회 2014 大東漢文學 Vol.41 No.-

본고는 학봉의 연행문학에 대한 선행연구로 『학봉전집』에 散見된 연행작품들을 선별하고 재편차를 시도하였다. 판본 간행의 경위를 고찰했을 때 『원집』과 『속집』은 판본의 완성도가 높은 편이고, 『일고』는 교정이 미흡한 상태였는데, 문집의 편차상 41題 50首의 작품이 燕行詩로 추정된다. 또한 「조천일기」는 缺落된 부분이 많았고, 특히 歸路의 산해관∼압록강 구간의 草稿는 逸失된 것으로 추정된다. 연행작품 중에서 「조천일기」는 연행작품이 명확하다. 연행시는 『원집』은 15題 18首의 작품 중에서 10제 13수의 작품만 연행시였다. 속집 은 13題 14首의 작품 중에서 2題 3首는 연행시가 아니고 1題 1首의 작품은 추가되 어 12題 12首의 작품이 연행시였다. 『일고』는 15題 19首의 작품 중에서 1題 1首는 연행시가 아니고 2題 2首의 작품이 추가되어 16題 20首의 작품이 연행시였다. 총 38제 45수인데, 이중 2제는 제목이 중복되어 실제로는 총 36제 45수의 작품이 연행시로 판단된다. 선별된 연행시는 학봉의 여정과 荷谷의 『조천기』 및 簡易의 「정축행록」을 교차 검토하면 순서대로 재편차할 수 있다. 본고는 기행문학인 연행문학의 연구를 위한 하나의 연구 방향을 제시한 것이다. 연구 성과는 연행문학 연구와 연계될 때 더 가치가 있을 것으로 판단된다. This study was a pilot study on travel literature of Hakbong. In this study, travel literature found in 『Hakbongjeonjib(鶴峯全集)』 was selected and rearranged in order. Examining publication of the printed books, it was found out that Wonjib『(原集)』 and 『Sokjib(續集)』 had a high quality of the printed books. On the other hand, 『Ilgo(逸稿)』 needed much to be corrected. Judging by the order of the collection, it was presumed that the work in 41 Je(題) 50 Su(首) was a travel poem. In addition, a lot was missing in 「Jocheonilgi(朝天日記)」. Especially, draft on the part 'Shanhaiguan(山海關)∼the Amlok River(鴨綠江)' in Way Back to Home was assumed to be lost. Among the travel literature, it was judged that 「Jocheonilgi(朝天日記)」 was clearly a travel literature. For a travel poem, 『Wonjib(原集)』 had 10 Je(題) 13 Su(首) works of travel poems among 15 Je(題) 18 Su(首) works. 『Sokjib(續集)』 had 12 Je(題) 12 Su(首) works of travel poems among 13 Je(題) 14 Su(首) works after adding 1 Je(題) 1 Su(首) work while the other 2 Je(題) 3 Su(首) works were not the travel poems. For 『Ilgo(逸稿)』, 1 Je (題) 1 Su(首) work was not a travel poem among 15 Je(題) 19 Su(首) works, and 2 Je(題) 2 Su(首) works were added, making it 16 Je(題) 20 Su (首) of travel poems. Therefore, it was presumed that 36 Je(題) 45 Su(首) of works were the travel poems in total. The selected travel poems could be rearranged in order by cross examining journey of Hakbong(鶴峯), 『Jocheongi(朝天記)』 of Hagok(荷谷), and 「Jeongchukhangrok(丁丑行錄)」 of Gahni(簡易). This study suggested a direction for a study on travel literature. It is assumed that the study achievements would be more worthwhile when they are connected with the study on travel literature.

명(明)·청(淸) 교체기(交替期) 대명(對明) 해로(海路) 사행(使行)의 출항지(出港地) 고찰(考察)

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2017 한문학논집 Vol.48 No.-

Envoy during sea route envoy travel period was organized by roughly 5 ships boarded by 180 persons and in order to maintain envoy ship, repairmen were boarded and in preparation for a sudden accident, envoys boarded the ship separately with carrying individual diplomatic document and regional special products. During sea route envoy travel period, envoys had generally plural offices or some company because birthday of emperor was winter or early spring, envoy during Dongjisa(冬至使) was easy to take Seongjeolsa(聖節使) as plural offices and as an atmosphere of avoiding selection as sea route envoy was prevalent, it was hard to select travel envoy. Before 1629, envoy took Deungjoo(登州) as stopover in their travel envoy sea route and afterwards, Youngwonwi(寧遠衛). At this time, Gado(?島) was 1st gateway of diplomatic negotiation between Choseon and Ming as Donggangjin(東江 鎭) was installed in 1622 and sea route travel envoys took such place as stopover without fail. Pyeongdo(平島) was major branch of sea route where stopover sea route to Deungjoo(登州) or Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) was divided and in particular, as neighboring Nocheosan Soodo(老鐵山水道) and Yodong Cheontan(遼東淺灘) were risky sailing route, Choseon requested Ming for sea route change persistently. As departure port of Choseon, Anjoomok(安州牧) was first used and it is presumed to be Wondoo port(元頭浦口) in detail but as travel schedule was much delayed by shallow water depth of Cheongcheongang(淸川江), it was operated for just 2 times. As a next port, Seonsapo(宣沙浦) of Gwaksan(郭山) was operated from 1622 to the time before Jeongmyo Horan(丁卯胡亂) and location of Seonsapo(宣沙浦) was sometimes misunderstood as Seoncheon(宣川) or Cheolsan(鐵山). In addition, in sea route travel envoy record painting, it was called as Seonsapo(旋?浦) again but in other literature, Seonsapo(宣沙浦) had been used as general name. Finally, departure port of Seokdasan(石多山) was operated as departure port after Jeongmyo Horan(丁卯胡亂) and during 1628 to 1629, envoy departed from Daedonggang(大同江) of Pyeongyang(平壤) and moved to Seokdasan(石多山). But in case of departing from Daedonggang(大同江), as burden of risk was high and schedule was delayed, envoy departed after moving to Seokdasan(石多山) through land route from 1630. As departure port of Ming dynasty, Deungjoo(登州) was operated from 1621 when envoy travel was first started and operated for 2 times more after route was changed to Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) stopover route. However, DongjiSeongjolsa(冬至聖節使) of 1631 was entered into Deungjoo(登州) port but such envoy departed from Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) when they returned. Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) port was operated by 1637 as envoy sea route was changed by Wonsoonghwan(袁崇煥) in 1629. But as inland of Sanhaegwan(山海關) was exposed to threat of Hoogeum(後金) right after route change, Deungjoo(登州) stopover route was used for just roughly 2 times.

개인 소장본 『좌관황굉(坐觀荒紘)』 중 『천차대관(天?大觀)』 추정본 고찰

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2017 한문학논집 Vol.46 No.-

In this study, a drawing presumed to be that of `Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』)` among `Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀荒紘』)`, a personally possessed books, being found recently was considered. 21 times of sea route envoy travel via Deungju(登州) during transition period of Myeong, Cheong was confirmed and 21 kinds of sea route travel record and 7 kinds of sea route envoy map exist at present. `Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀 荒紘』)`, a personally possessed version, being found recently is similar to that of folk museum in its system and contents. Among personally possessed versions, `Surojocheonjido(水路朝天之圖)?Yodongjido(遼東之圖)?Seohaedo(西 海圖)?Yohaedo(遼海圖)?Deungjujido(登州之圖)` are maps relevant to sea route envoy travel. Among these, `Seohaedo(西海圖)?Yohaedo(遼海圖)? Deungjujido(登州之圖)` are manuscript of `Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』)` drawing. `Seohaedo(西海圖)?Yohaedo(遼海圖)?Deungjujido(登州之圖)` of `Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀荒紘』)`, a personally possessed version, are presumed to be manuscripts of `Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』)` drawing as drawing explanation of `Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』)` was faithfully reflected. When observing each drawing in detail, first, Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀荒紘』) `Seohaedo(西海圖)`, a personally possessed version, is drawing of Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』) `Anjumok(安州牧)`. Anjumok(安州牧) was departing place of sea route envoy travel and in view of the fact that `Bisaam(碑寺巖)` that was starting point of Sojeon(少?) party was expressed, Sunsapo was recorded as `Sunsapo(宣沙浦)` and `Mojangyoung(毛將營)` was depicted, it could be specifically presumed that it was drawing of Cheoncha Daegwan(『天? 大觀』) `Anjumok(安州牧)`. Second, Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀荒紘』) `Yohaedo(遼海圖)`, a personally possessed version, is drawing of Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』) `Haedo(海島)` and in view of the fact that arrangement of books and landscape were coincided with drawing explanation and Hwangsungdo was recorded as `Hwangsungdo(黃城島)`, it was specifically presumed to be drawing of Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』) `Haedo(海島)`. As erroneous record of shape similar character was confirmed, trace of copy could be confirmed as well. Third, Joagwan Hwanggweng(『坐觀荒紘』) `Deungjujido(登州之圖)`, a personally possessed version, is specifically presumed to be drawing of Cheoncha Daegwan(『天?大觀』) `Deungjubu(登州府)` in view of the fact that drawing was a creative structure being discriminated from other sea route envoy map or old map and it used a name different from Daemyeongiltongji(『大明一 統志』)and travel record of Sojeon(少?) was included.

만운(晩雲) 정충신(鄭忠信)의 『백사선생북천일록(白沙先生北遷日錄)』 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2016 한문학논집 Vol.45 No.-

『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄) of Baesa(白沙) Sunsaeng(白沙先生北遷日錄)』 is an exile diary in which deeds and anecdote of Baesa(白沙) Lee, Hang-Bok(李恒 福, 1556~1618) were written while Manwoon(晩雲) accompanied Baesa(白沙) who was exiled to Bukchung(北靑) due to objection to Pyemoron(廢母論). 『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)』 was composed of ‘introduction, diary, Chungsa Sueui Sucho(丁巳獻議手草), epilogue` and published in a form of independent book. In this diary, Sino-Korean poetry of Baesa(白沙) was contained and footnote was supported in order to supplement contents of main text. First, contents of ‘patriotism and Yangsicheogi(量時處己)` in ‘Bukcheon Ilrok (北遷日錄)` explains general outline of change of times at that time and contains teaching of desirable ‘Yangsicheogi(量時處己)` to future generation through belief and loyalty of Baesa(白沙). Second, contents of exiled life and agony of separation contain anguish in a hidden side of daily life that looks to be affluent and agony of separation from family. Third, contents of deep emotion for hard life and funeral process contain hard life experienced through bad weather and tough journey and mourning of numerous persons shown in funeral service of Baesa(白沙). 『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)』 has a limitation that it lacks literary sense while remaining at objective narration. However, right after its publication, it was enjoyed by many literary persons and in many cases, deep emotion for loyalty of Baesa(白沙), in particular, was expressed. Therefore, ‘Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)` is considered to be an exile diary imbued with a nature of Chungshin Eunhaengrok (忠臣言行錄, memoirs of loyalists).