노부나가(織田信長) 정권 말기 미카도(天皇)의 정치적 지위

李啓煌(Lee Gye-Whang) 동양사학회 2000 東洋史學硏究 Vol.72 No.-

This paper aims at analysing the relationship between the emperor and the Nobunaga regime after the Nobunaga's voluntary resignation of court rank. The court's effort to bring about a reconciliation between Nobunaga and the Honganji Temple was devised to elevate the authority of the court by taking advantage of political uncertainty of the time. Its failure, however, only precipitated the decline of the court's political influence. Nobunaga succeeded in dividing the court by dedicating the Nijo mansion and became able to exert strong influence over the court nobility. After the establishment of reconciliation in the wake of the third Honganji battle Nobunaga emerged as public power in the realm authorized by the emperor. Nobunaga established his position that 'he is the realm' by reconciling with the Honganji temple and became free from anti-Nobunaga struggle waged by the peasants. He succeeded in destroying the political base of the emperor by separating the court from the religious power. As a result the political influence of the emperor came to a halt. The military parade of Nobunagas forces demonstrated his paramount position as a central power. The emperor tried to maintain his political influence given by the ritsuryo political structure by incorporating Nobunaga into the court rank system. Nobunaga tried to turn his military power into state power, but his effort came to an end due to his assassination at the Honnoji temple.

일본 고대 국가의례 연구서설 - 즉위의례와 다이죠오사이(大嘗祭)를 중심으로 -

李啓煌(Lee, Gye Whang) 일본사학회 2004 일본역사연구 Vol.19 No.-

During the pre-ritsuryo period the Ookimi was chosen by the all vassals, and they presented the national treasures such as the sword and the mirror to the chosen, and thereby his rulership was legitimatized. The way the emperor acceded to the throne changed with the introduction of the ritsuryo system. A new emperor was born when he acceded to the imperial place. Presentation of congratulatory remarks and national treasures occupied a central position in the enthronement ceremony. By the eighth century the enthronement ceremony of the emperor succeeded that of the Ookimi. In the ninth century, however, the sinification of the enthronement ceremony took place. The presentation of the national treasures began to be performed not in the enthronement ceremony but in the Daizosai, and the presentation of the congratulatory remarks was no longer to be performed at the enthronement ceremony. During the reign of the Tenmu and Jito Daizosai began to distinguish itself from the Shinzosai. Unlike the Shinzosai the Daizosai as a ceremony of investiture and thanksgiving became the state ceremony performed only one time during a single imperial reign. In the ninth century the presentation of national treasures was moved to be conducted at the Daizosai. The Daizosai is the ceremony where the emperor became connected to the deities through the Shinto rites, and the relationship between sovereign and subject was confirmed by the presentation of the congratulatory remarks, and the harmony between sovereign and subject is accomplished by the feast. The Daizosai had a dual structure of the capital and the locality, and the subject expressed their servitude by presenting their land to the throne. Like the Daizosai, the Shinzosai and the Tsukinamisai the court distributed offerings to 304 Shinto shrines, which expressed the superiority of the central deities over local deities. At the Kinensai offerings were distributed to all the shrines in the country. Likewise the emperor tried to spread the imperial ideology and reproduce the imperial control over religion.

일본의 울릉도·독도 인식과 이마즈야 하치에몽(今津屋八右衛門)의 울릉도·독도 도해사건

이계황 ( Lee Gye-whang ) 연세사학연구회( 구 연세대학교 사학연구회 ) 2017 學林 Vol.39 No.-

본고는 17세기 이래 일본 사료에 나오는 마쓰시마(독도)가 어떠한 성격을 나타내고 있는가를 검토하고자 한다. 일본 사료 속에 독도가 어떻게 나타나는가는 독도가 일본에 속하는 영토인가를 가늠하는 주요한 지렛대이기 때문이다. 그리고 하치에몽의 울릉도 도해사건의 전말을 소상히 밝히고, 이에 대한 막부의 대응 등을 살펴 이 사건이 함의하는 역사적 의의. 특히 에도시대의 독도 영유권을 명확히 하고자 한다. 17~18세기에 걸쳐 일본 사료에 나타나는 독도는 조선인의 일본 연행과 관계되거나, 일본에서 울릉도 도해 여정을 기록할 때 병기되어 있다. 이것은 일본인의 독도 도해는 어업으로나 영토로나 무의미함을 나타낸다. 1720년대 막부가 울릉도 독도 조사는 울릉도 독도에 대한 조사로 보기보다는 무기류 밀무역과 관련되어 있는 듯하다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 이 시기 해상 운송과 해상 운송로 발전으로 울릉도 독도가 해상 운송도중에 해상 운송업자들에게 발견되었을 가능성은 존재한다. 그리고 19세기에 오면번 재정 악화 타개 모색과 어업을 하기 위해 울릉도 도해를 고려하기 시작했을 가능성이 있다. 이러한 가운데 하치에몽의 울릉도 도해사건이 발생한다. 하치에몽의 울릉도 도해사건은 하마다 에도 번저, 하마다번, 그리고 하치에몽으로 대표되는 해상 운송업자와 주로 오사카 상인들이 조직적으로 관여해 계획한 것으로, 당시의 역사적 상황을 나타내고 있다. 한편 막부는 이 사건을 매우 엄중히 다루어 마쓰다이라 야스토에게 영구 칩거, 하마다번 관리들의 자살, 하치에몽과 하시모토산베에에게 사형을 명하였다. 막부가 이렇듯 중형을 선고한 것은 당시 서양선박, 특히 러시아선이 일본에 도항하고 있었고, 그에 대해 이국선 무조건 격퇴정책(異國船無二念打拂令)이 시행되고 있었기 때문으로 보이며, 특히 총포의 해외유출과 밀무역과 관련되어 있다. 한편 막부는 이 사건을 계기로 울릉도 도해 금지령을 전국에 내리고 있다. 그러나 이 명령의 주요 내용은 전국의 방방곡곡에 내려진 것에서 알 수 있듯이 인민의 원해 도해 금지령의 성격이 강하다. 막부가 지적하듯이 항해 중에 이국인과의 조우를 피하기 위한 것이다. 이 명령은 단순히 일본 인민만 관련되어 있는 것이 아니라, 독도에 대한 모든 권리-원래 존재했던 것은 아니지만-를 완전히 포기한 것으로 보아도 좋다. 왜냐하면, 일본 인민의 연안 항로 이용은 더 이상 울릉도 독도에 대한 접근을 차단한 것으로 해석되기 때문이다. 이러한 울릉도 독도가 조선령이라는 막부 입장은 안용복 박어순의 일본 연행 사건의 처리 과정에서도 동일하며, 하치에몽의 울릉도 도해사건의 처리 과정에서도 나타난다. 그리고 이러한 태도는 메이지(明治)정부에서도 관철되어 1878년 독도가 적어도 일본령이 아니라는 것을 명확히 하고 있다. This article reviews which feature Matsusima(Dokdo) has in Japanese historical records since 17th century. It would be a base of judgement if Dokdo belongs to Japanese territory or not. This article tries to figure out the affair of Hachiemon`s Ulreungdo voyage minutely. It can clarify the historical meaning of this affair by examining action of Japan`s feudal government. Through 17-18th century, Dokdo in Japanese historical records were written when taking a Chosun national to Japan or recording a voyage from Japan to Ulreungdo. This means that Dokdo voyage was meaningless as fishing and territory for Japanese. The investigation of Ulreungdo and Dokdo by Japanese feudal government in 1720 seems related to weapon smuggling, not to Ulreungdo and Dokdo themselves. Despite of this, there is a possibility that they were found by maritime freight forwarders on their way to them due to improvement of shipping. There is another assertion that Japanese started to consider Ulreungdo voyage as solutions against financial crisis and fishing. Hachiemon`s voyage happened around this time. This affair of Hachiemon`s Ulreungdo voyage shows the historical situation at that time because it was organizationally planned by Hamada Edo Bun, Hamada Bun, maritime freight forwarders such as Hachiemon and mainly Osakan merchants. Meanwhile, the feudal government dealt with this affair strictly and gave orders to Matsudaira Yasuto to seclude permanently, officers of Hamada Bun to commit suicide, and Hachiemon and Hashimoto Sanbe to face capital punishment. The reason why the feudal government sentenced severe punishments is that Western ships, especially Russian, went over to Japan, and the unconditional repulse policy against foreign ships was in force at that time. This was especially related to outflow and smuggling of firearms. The feudal government issued an embargo on voyage to Ulreungdo all over the country. However, as we can see it was issued all over the country, this embargo has a strong inclination letting people not make a voyage to the ocean. As the feudal government pointed out, it is to avoid encountering foreigners during a voyage. This is related to not only Japanese people, but also abandonment rights to Dokdo entirely-though those didn`t exist. This is because the embargo can be construed as block any access to Ulreungdo and Dokdo. This stance of the feudal government that Ulreungdo and Dokdo belongs to Chosun territory is same as in the process of the affair of taking Yongbok An and Eosun Park to Japan. It is also shown in the process of the affair of Hachiemon`s Ulreungdo voyage. This stance had been carried through the Meiji government, and it clarifies Dokdo doesn`t belong to Japanese territory at least in 1878.

근세권력의 형성과 천황의 역사적 지위

이계황(Gye Whang Lee) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2002 동방학지 Vol.117 No.-

막번체제 붕괴과정의 연구 - 막말 중앙정국을 중심으로 본 정치노력의 추이 -

이계황(Lee Gye Whang) 연세사학연구회 1984 學林 Vol.6 No.-

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강호시대의 내외인식과 역사적 기능 - 존왕론 엽이론 존왕양이론 -

이계황(Lee Gye Whang) 연세사학연구회 1986 學林 Vol.8 No.-

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오다 노부나가(織田信長) 정권과 朝廷 : 官位就任期(1578년)까지를 중심으로

Lee Gye Whang(李啓煌) 일본사학회 1996 일본역사연구 Vol.3 No.-

The present study aims at clarifying the dynamic relations between Oda Nobunaga’s regime and the imperial court during the transitional period from 1564 until 1578. The first phase of these relations can be characterized by check and balance. Before and after Nobunaga’s entry into the capital city of Kyoto the three major political powers of the time, the emperor, the shogun and Nobunaga, tried to enhance their power depending on each other. Based on the recognition of both the emperor and shogun Nobunaga justified his military action against other daimyo and religious sects and put the Kinai area under his control. The emperor, on the other hand, enjoyed economic wealth and tried to maximize his political role by taking full advantage of the balance of power between Nobunaga and shogun. The second phase is noted for the weakening of shogunal power. Nobunaga’s relations with shogun turned sour when he obtained an imperial order to nullify shogun’s political power. Nobunaga engaged actively in gaining support from the court. He required the religious sects to remain neutral. The emperor lost his most effective means to restrain Nobunaga’s power, and the political power of the emperor began to decline. The third phase can be characterized by Nobunaga’s aggressive efforts to put the court under his control. His control over the Kinai area became secure and gained support among court aristocrats. In this way the emperor lost much of his power base and his political power declined considerably. The last phase can be characterized by Nobunaga’s taking of court rank. To quell the opposition from other powerful daimyo and the Honganji temple he resorted largely to his military power rather than to the imperial authority. He sought to legitimate his military supremacy by suggesting the idea of tenkajin, thereby relativising the imperial authority. As a result, emperor’s power base contracted, and his political influence declined considerably. With the rise of Nobunaga’s regime the political power of the emperor waned. This implies that the political influence of the emperor heightened when the power was shared by competing power contenders of the time. In legitimating his power as tenkajin Nobunaga did not need the imperial support. Accordingly, it can be said that the early modern political power could be established by excluding the emperor from the political world. This dose not necessarily mean that the imperial institution of the early modern period was not a political entity.

日本

延敏洙(Yeon Min-soo),李啓煌(Lee Gye-whang) 역사학회 1997 역사학보 Vol.156 No.-