목포 지역 빈민에 관한 연구

윤형숙 한국문화인류학회 1996 韓國文化人類學 Vol.29 No.2

This is a study of the working poor in Mokpo, a medium-sized city located in the southwestern part of Korea. In this study, I have dealt with the urbanization of Mokpo, formation of the poor working class settlement in Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong, and their socio-economic characteristics. Mokpo had been a small fishing village before it was forced to open as an exporting port to Japan by the Japanese colonialist. while Mokpo grew as the 5th largest city in Korea During the colonial period. it experienced constant stagnation and underdevelopment after Korea's liberation. Having formed as a residential area of Korean laborers working for Japanese during the colonial period, Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong became densely populated by returnees from abroad after the Korea's liberation and by war refugees during the Korea war. Many illegal houses were built in and around old residential areas such as Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong. Migration of peasants from nearby islands and countrysides in the 1950s and 1960s exacerbated the situation. With the development of "Angangmang" fisheries industry in Mokpo in the 1970s, many poor peasant-fishermen from Chodo islands came to work as crewmen of the Angangmang fishing ship. Many of them settled in Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong, which were located near the seashore. Kinship and friendship networks were very important in their migration and settlement patterns. Stagnation of Angangmang fisheries industry and urban development plans of Mokpo in recent years affected the socio-economic structure of Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong. Due to a long-time regulation on improvement and rebuilding of the houses illegally built on public and city-owned lands, housing condition in Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong deteriorated compared to other newly developing areas in Mokpo. Many of those, who became financially better-off in their neighborhoods have moved out. Those, who remain wish their offsprings eventually move to other places. Population of the areas has been constantly decreasing almost to the half compared to its size of the days when the area was most heavily populated. Population structure shows that the number of men between age 10 through age 39 are much larger than that of women while the number of women over age 40 are much larger than that of men. This population structure reflects the presence of a large number of unmarried men under 40 and possibly a large number of early death of men after age 40. Population structure is a reflection as well as a cause of the poverty situation in this area. Male household heads engage in unstable and low-waged works. They are often unemployed due to illness and accidents derived from work. Illness and early death of household heads force women to work. Women's works is generally considered as side jobs, which in turn justify women's low-wages and result in "feminization of the poverty." Poverty and family constitution are closely interlinked. Early death of household heads and poverty often cause an early disintegration of the family. Children leave home early. Poverty also delays the formation of a new family among young people. Little-educated, poor men find it hard to find marriage partners. This is a phenomenon that we find among farmers as well in Korea. Poverty tends to be inherited by the next generation. Educational system, which is one of the most, if not the most, important ways to climb up the social status ladder in Korea, does not seem to operate in their favour. Most of them end up with less than college education and employment in low-waged production and service jobs. Their cultural tradition, which the first generation of migrants in Sosan-dong and Onkum-dong maintained in the process of adapting to a new urban setting has been disappearing. I argue that the "poor peasants (and fishermen) in the city" has been transformed into the urban working poor.

Feminism 에서 본 친족 연구

윤형숙 한국문화인류학회 1990 韓國文化人類學 Vol.22 No.1

여성생애사 연구방법론 : Methodological Issues

윤형숙 목포대학교 여성문제연구소 1995 여성연구 Vol.3 No.-

청소년과 대안문화의 모색

윤형숙 한국사회조사연구소 2001 사회연구 Vol.- No.2

호남지역의 여성연구 : 개관과 제언

윤형숙 한국문화인류학회 1994 韓國文化人類學 Vol.25 No.1

그들과 우리 사이에서 : 인류학 연구하기, 인류학자 되기 Doing Fieldwork, and Becoming an Anthropologist

윤형숙 한국문화인류학회 1996 韓國文化人類學 Vol.29 No.1

This is about methodological problems encountered and questions raised during my fieldwork in a Korean village during 1985∼1986. As a native anthropologist working in my own society, I question what it means to be a native anthropologist. By presenting my personal and intellectual background, I show that a native anthropologist is not an automatically given being through his/her citizenship of a country, but is constructed by various factors such as gender, class and educational background. Having anthropological training in the western anthropological tradition, which emphasizes the dichotomy between the west/the non-west and us/them, I find myself in a limbo, neither belonging to 'us' nor to 'them'. Doing fieldwork alone is a kind of 'an initiation rite for a would-be professional anthropologist'. Many ethnographies written by western anthropologists describe encountering "others" in the field as a dramatic event entailing an air of excitement as well as some anxiety. Doing fieldwork in my own country as "a native anthropologist" does not give me the 'encountering' moment. I am supposed to come back to 'the familiar' among 'us' However, I find that I am in a limbo in the field again. As a native anthropologist I was not accepted as one of them in the villag K where I did my first fieldwork. I was 'a strange familiar' in the village . Villagers automatically categorized me as "abnormal" just because of my presence in the village. While I observed the villagers, they observed me, variously categorized me and continuously monitored the information that they could give me. They also directly and indirectly raised many methodological and practical questions regarding my study, such as what consititued meaningful questions and what the uses of study result were. Writing an ethnography is not a simple process of reporting what I saw and heard in the field. I need to describe who would be expected audiances of my work before writing an ethnography. In the process of writing an ethnography, I raise a serious question regrading whether an ethnography is meant to make a systematic meaning out of villagers' lives or out of whatever data that I collected from the field.

맹인들의 천국

윤형숙 木浦大學校 아시아文化硏究所 1998 아시아문화연구 Vol.2 No.-

가족사를 통해 본 지방사

윤형숙 한국문화인류학회 2000 韓國文化人類學 Vol.33 No.2

Family is often seen as the sphere of the biological reproduction separated from the general social processes. In this paper, I will regard the reproduction of the family as part of the social reproduction and examine the social processes in which the family is reproduced through the changing socio-economic contexts. Instead of using the word "family", which as an academic terminology, does not expresses people's concrete historical experiences, I use the term "chip." "Chip" is a polysemic word which denotes various social entities such as family members, house, minimal sub-lineage, lineage, etc. "Chip" can also mean the connectedness and interdependence of kinsmen. Based on the field-study which was jointly conducted by a historical anthropology study group during 1995∼1996, I show that reproductive processes of chip is closely related to the reproduction of the wider social structure such as kinship and village structure. I also show that reproduction of chip is closely intertwined with the changing relations between chip, kinship, village and the nation-state. I hold the perspective that villagers'strategies for the social reproduction of chip reflect their historical consciousness of the changing socio-economic conditions. Villagers' historical consciousness is different from the formal form of historical consciousness. Villagers' historical consciousness is embedded in their everyday lives, fragmented in their practical responses to the changes, and multi-vocal. It also reflects their interpretation of the past experiences viewed from the present.

지구화, 지역 토속 음식의 생산과 소비 : 홍어를 중심으로

윤형숙 국립목포대학교 도서문화연구원 2008 島嶼文化 Vol.0 No.32

The skate food is known to be the Jeolla traditional local food. Interestingly the skate food has emerged as the representative provincial local food when the production and consumption of the skate has gone down in Jeolla Province, and when the imported skate has begun to be consumed across the nation. In this paper, I propose that the emergence of the skate food as a symbol of Jeolla provincial identity has to be understood as the complex interactions of various socio-political factors such as regional politics, globalization and separation of the production and consumption sites of the skate, commercial use and appropriation of the locality and local culture in the production of the skate food, growth of the middle-class and the culinary tourism.

트로브리앤드 사회의 아버지

윤형숙 목포대학교 여성문제연구소 1994 여성연구 Vol.2 No.-