성인 무수정체안에서의 Epikeratophakia 2 예

윤대영(Dae Young Youn),이경헌(Kyung Hun Lee),김용제(Yong Jai Kim) 대한안과학회 1989 대한안과학회지 Vol.30 No.6

식민지 베트남의 ‘열린’ 바다

윤대영(YOUN, Dae-yeong) 동양사학회 2014 東洋史學硏究 Vol.127 No.-

Located on the C?m River, with access to the sea as well as connections to Ha N?i and other ports on the Red River, H?i Phong was formed in special situations such as independence movement. When the Tr?ng Sisters rebelled, Le Chan also directly led her troops to fight against the Chinese forces, causing them to suffer great losses, but the overall situation was unfavourable. At the two Battles of B?ch đ?ng River in 938 and in 1288 the Vietnamese forces defeated the Chinese invaders and put an end to Chinese imperial domination of the Vietnamese. It took place at the B?ch đ?ng River, near Halong Bay in northern Vietnam. H?i Phong has existed as a significant port from the XVth century, and was one of Vietnam’s principal trading centers. When Vietnam was invaded by the French, the city became France’s main naval base and trading port in Indochina. Since then, French colonialists speeded up urbanization process of H?i Phong city by building sea ports, river ports, warehouses; Ha N?i~H?i Phong railway, H?i Phong~Yunnan railway, some urban infrastructure etc. After that French, Chinese and Vietnamese ship building and repairing factories were established quickly. Industries, machinery, processing, chemistry were also expanded. While Indochinese exports and imports continued to grow in volume, there have been various social phenomena such as new settlers whose number was increasing. Especially, the Chinese immigrants played an important role in the economic development in H?i Phong. These social symptom had a tendency to stimulate certain conflicts between the overseas Chinese who were thought to cause some social problems, and the natives who fell prey to the colonial policy. The massacre of 17 August 1927 was done with the connivance of the colonial authorities. This kind of the French strategy would backfire and have a negative effect on the colonial policy in the modern port of H?i Phong.

남중국해 문제의 기원과 쟁점화 - 중국과 베트남의 파라셀 군도 및 스프래틀리 군도 영유권 분쟁과 관련하여 -

윤대영(YOUN Dae-yeong) 동양사학회 2019 東洋史學硏究 Vol.148 No.-

Several countries are competing territorial claims over the South China Sea. Such disputes are regarded as Asia’s potentially dangerous point of conflict. Both China and Vietnam have been vigorous in prosecuting their claims. This study examines the origin and development of the Sino-Vietnaemse dispute over the South China Sea from the historical perspectives. In the traditional era, China didn’t use any standard name of Paracel Islands or Spratly Islands. Moreover, the South China Sea was not considered as Chinese territory. On the other hand, Vietnam called Paracel Islands Bai Cat Vang or Hoang Sa, and then Spratly Islands was named Vạn Ly Trường Sa in the late 19<SUP>th</SUP> century. Vietnamese government had tried to control Paracel Islands since the 17<SUP>th</SUP> century. However, the French colonial period was a break with tradition. Vietnamese territorial water grew rife with ambiguities and uncertainties. Japanese intervention in the South China Sea set off a knock-on effect on China and French Indochina. The consequent increase in the political temperature on both sides of Paracel Islands and Spratly Islands, and in the occupied and disputed area itself, was real and palpable. Japan took de facto control of the two Islands in the early 1940s. Japan’s defeat in the Second World War and its farewell to the South China Sea in 1951 became a major hindrance to peaceful coexistence in Asia.

소리 없는 외침에서 혁명의 전파로: 20세기 초 베트남의 지식인들과 외부의 혁명 세력

윤대영 ( Youn Dae-yeong ) 서강대학교 동아연구소 2018 東亞 硏究 Vol.37 No.2

중국에서와 마찬가지로, 한국뿐만 아니라 베트남의 지식인들은 자국의 운명과 현실을 진단하는 과정에서 개혁적이거나 혁명적인 사상을 전파하던 ‘중국발(發)’ 혹은 ‘일본발(發)’ 신서(新書)의 도움을 받았다. 이 글은 혁명적인 내용을 담고 있던 혁명 신서의 정치적, 사회적 파장이 두드러졌던 베트남의 경우를 분석의 대상으로 삼는다. 베트남의 사례를 이해하기 위해서는, 우선 현지 사회의 소리 없는 외침, 즉 중국의 혁명 신서와 혁명가들이 비밀리에 베트남 사회에 스멀스멀 침투하던 현상을 주목할 필요가 있다. 다음으로 이러한 외침이 점차 혁명 운동으로 번져 나가는 과정을 밝히는 작업은 지리적 요소와 인적 요소를 활용한 베트남의 지식인들이 외부의 혁명 세력과 연계하여 운동의 모티브와 방향을 설정했던 양상을 집중적으로 규명해 나간다. As was the case with China, and thanks to the dissemination of “new books” introducing reform or revolutionary ideas, intellectuals in Vietnam as well as in Korea also started to look to the outside world to help them reconsider their own land. This paper analyzes the case in Vietnam, where this movement was particularly effective. To understand the Vietnamese case, one should explore first a social phenomenon represented by a silent shout: the creeping dissemination of Chinese revolutionary “new books” and leaders into Vietnamese society. And then, the probable connections between the shout and an epidemic of revolution in Vietnam in the early twentieth century should be revealed through the analysis of the geographical and human factors that played a role in leading Vietnamese intellectuals to cooperate with outside revolutionary force.

19세기후반 옹우옌 쯔엉 또(Nguyễn Tru'òng Tộ)의 개혁 논의와 응우옌(Nguyễn) 왕조의 대응

尹大榮(Youn Dae-yeong) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.206

Nguy?n Tru'?ng T? (1830~1871) was a Roman Catholic scholar and reformer during the reign of T? đ?c (r. 1848~1883) of the Nguy?n Dynasty. He was best known for an inexhaustible advocacy of a systematic and progressive reform of Vietnam, criticising the retrograde Confucianism of the Hue court as well as of the intellectual class. Although many Vietnamese and Western scholars have 'intentionally' or 'unintentionally' believed that T?'s reform proposals were not accepted in full by the Hu? court, this view has to be challenged because there is no solid evidence for this a priori belief. Before 1848, Nguy?n Tru'?ng T? mastered the classical Vietnamese education through traditional means of study. Between 1848 and 1863, he was exposed to a broad range of reform ideas by reading European books in French and in Chinese or Japanese translation. T? began to submit his first petitions to T? đ?c advocating policy reform from 1863. Between this year and his death in 1871, he sent to the Nguy?n court more than fifty-eight petitions. Primary sources from the Nguy?n court's records suggest that winning the gradual confidence of the mandarin political elite, including T? đ?c, Nguy?n Tru'?ng T?'s ideas and proposals for reform were not completely rejected or ignored. The petitions from T?'s were well received by the emperor, who invited him to court on several occasions. T? đ?c was sufficiently confident of T?'s good intentions that he called on him for state service. The proposals initiated by Nguy?n Tru'?ng T?'s were not implemented piecemeal. Such ideas as the purchase of modem machinery and textbooks, the propagation of 'new learning' and the improvement of educational system had positive influence in accelerating national reforms and changes, while impeding the extension of French domination over all of Vietnam by the end of the 19th century.

19세기 후반~20세기 초 베트남의 ‘新書’ 수용

尹大榮(Youn Dae-yeong) 동양사학회 2011 東洋史學硏究 Vol.117 No.-

This study aims at examining the origin of the Vietnamese Reform Movement on the basis of understanding the ‘New Books’ as an East Asian intellectual trend. Colonization attempts facilitated the exchanges between the Asian countries. Policies that arose from the colonial powers’ needs for economic expansion enlarged Asia’s ground for activity, making communication between diverse parts of the Asian world faster and easier. Hence, events occurring in China were able to have a more direct repercussion over the East Asian society on a large scale. The Western impact on China and the Sino-Japanese War widened the Chinese intellectuals’ vision. They realized China’s weakness in the face of Western and Japanese military intrusions and felt the need to transform their country into a prosperous ‘modern’ nation. Therefore, Chinese reformists began to develop journalism and translate numerous European and Japanese works in order to introduce their compatriots to the various fields of Western sciences and ideas. It also so happens that this intellectual current contributed to the formation of the Vietnamese reform movement. Data now available is not helpful about precisely when Chinese reformist writings first entered Vietnam. However, Ðao Nguyen Ph?’s bibliographical list shows that the ‘New Learning’ came from very diverse sources such as books, periodicals, maps, illustrated magazines, drawings etc. But what is the meaning of this phenomenon? In order to understand what was meant by the progressive intellectual movement, it is important to take into account when and how the ‘New Books’ affected Vietnamese readers born between the 1860s and 1900s. From the late 19th century, chemistry, mechanics, physics, pharmacy and social sciences provided a way for Vietnamese to access new educational methods and intellectual tools, barely known until then. The ‘New Books’ introduced in the early 20th century were written by authors and translators of various nationalities: Western, Japanese and Chinese. In particular, Chinese reformists’ works began to substantially enter Vietnam after the Hundred Days’ Reform. After this reform and the Boxer Rebellion of 1900, Vietnamese intellectuals started to become conscious that they had entered a new epoch, and as a result, a growing interest in Western sciences spread throughout the country. It was at this time that books and newspapers of Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao penetrated even deeper into Vietnamese society. That’s why the ‘New Books’ was able to give great impetus to the Vietnamese intellectual evolution, as showed in Duy Tan h?i, đong Du movement, đong Kinh Ngh?a Th?c etc.

김영건(金永鍵)의 베트남 연구 동인(動因)과 그 성격: 1930-40년대, 그의 전변무상(轉變無常)한 인생 역정과 관련하여

윤대영 ( Dae Yeong Youn ) 한국동남아학회 2009 동남아시아연구 Vol.19 No.3

참인(Cham people)에서 참족(Cham minority)으로

윤대영(Youn, Dae-yeong) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.143 No.-

The Indianized Champa was a collection of independent Cham polities that extended across the coast of what is today central and southern Vietnam from approximately the second century before being absorbed and annexed by Vietnamese Emperor Minh Mạng in 1832. Champa was preceded in the region by a kingdom called Linyi (林邑, Chinese), or Lâm Ấp (Vietnamese). Champa reached its apogee in the 9th and 10th centuries AD. As seafaring people, the Cham were highly active and established a network of trade including the major ports at Vijaya, Kauthara, Panduranga, etc. but also extending into the mountainous hinterland. In the process Cham people constructed the Champa mandala by strengthening foreign relations. Afterwards Champa began a gradual decline under pressure from Đại Việt. The dominance of Champa started to give way to in the 10<SUP>th</SUP> century. In particular, in the Cham-Vietnamese War (1471), Champa suffered serious defeats at the hands of the Vietnamese. Meanwhile, Vietnamese foreign policy worsened disparities for the Cham prisoners of war. On the other hand, the northern capital of Indrapura was sacked by Vietnamese in 982, and many northern Cham muslims sought asylum in Hainan. From the late 15<SUP>th</SUP> century, a second wave of refugees was crossing from Champa to the neighboring Southeast Asian countries. In such situations, the Cham people degraded to the status of the Cham minority. There are also concerns that the Vietnamese government’s emphasis on discrimination and exclusion further marginalized the Cham community. In this regard, the Cham views on the southward expansion of the territory of Vietnam would help to relativize the smokescreen of Vietnamese national historiography.

19세기 후반~20세기 초, 한국의 베트남 재인식 과정과 그 성격

尹大榮(Youn Dae-yeong) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.112 No.-

베트남전쟁과 인천의 시정(市政) - ‘파월 장병 및 가족 돕기 운동’을 중심으로 -

윤대영(Youn Dae-yeong) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2021 인천학연구 Vol.35 No.-

현재까지 대부분의 베트남전쟁 연구는 주로 국가의 정치와 경제나 한미 관계를 주요 화두로 제시하며 거시적 차원에서 한국군의 참전과 그 폐단을 분석하는데 주력했다. 그런데 정작 베트남전쟁이 한국 현대사와 당시의 사회에 구체적으로 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는가에 대해서는 여전히 실증적인 연구가 부족한 상황이다. 그래서 전쟁을 통해 국가에 의해 형성된 사회를 본격적으로 연구할 필요가 있다. 이러한 관점에서 당시의 파병 군인들과 이들의 가족들은 한국 사회에 어떠한 존재로 다가오고 있었을까? 이 연구는 베트남전쟁 당시 한국 사회의 변화 과정을 국가적 차원에서 더 밑으로 내려간 지역적(local) 차원에서 구체적으로 규명함으로써 전쟁과 도시의 상관관계를 파악해 보고, ‘패배’와 ‘승리’ 이면에 ‘실존’하던 참전 도시의 실상과 베트남전쟁에 대한 도시민들의 경험을 검토한다. 이 과정에서 필자는 한국전쟁 이후의 피난민과 ‘조국 근대화’ 당시의 이주민과 함께 성장한 경기도의 도시, 인천의 상황에 집중하고 있다. 이와 관련하여 주요 검토 대상은 베트남전쟁 시기 정부의 주도로 본격화된 ‘파월 장병 및 가족 돕기 운동’이 인천을 통해 확산되어 나가는 구체적인 양상이다. 이러한 상황에서 베트남전쟁이 인천 지역의 이슈로 떠오르는 전쟁의 ‘인천화’ 과정과 정부가 인천시로 하달한 중앙의 국가 정책이 현지의 시정으로 반영되어 가는 모습을 지역 신문과 시정 자료를 중심으로 접근하면서 인천 시민들이 겪었던 간접적인 전쟁 경험의 실상을 살펴본다. 초기의 파병이 인천항을 통해 이루어지면서 베트남전쟁은 인천 시민들의 관심을 받게 되었다. 아울러, 전쟁에 참여한 인천 출신 군인들의 활약뿐만 아니라 전사한 장교들에 대한 다양한 형태의 추모 방식은 지역 사회의 공감을 불러일으키며 베트남전쟁이 ‘제2의 인천 상륙 작전’으로 인식되는 데 결정적인 역할을 했다. 그리고 이러한 전쟁 상황에 적극적으로 대처한 정부의 정책은 인천의 시정에도 반영되어, 파월 장병을 돕기 위한 각종 시책으로 나타났다. 인천시의 파월 가족 돕기 운동에는 시장, 시 당국, 파월 가족 지원 위원회, 출장소, 동사무소, 경찰서, 군부대, 서울지방원호청 인천지청뿐만 아니라 인화회와 민주공화당의 정치인들도 참여하고 있었다. 그리고 이 운동은 위안회 개최, 위문품 지급, 성금 제공, 원호 기금 조성, 근로 봉사, 가족 위문 사업, 자매결연, 투자 장려금 지급 등을 통해 전개되어 나갔다. 인천의 시정을 통해 바라본 ‘파월 장병 및 가족 돕기 운동’은 전쟁 당시 한국사회의 변화와 정치 지형을 지역적 차원에서뿐만 아니라 전국적 차원에서도 이해할 수 있는 중요한 사례가 될 수 있다. 베트남전쟁 당시 인천의 정치를 현지의 사회 변동과 연계하여 접근하는 시도는 지역 자체에 대한 이해를 통해 한국 사회 전체를 조망할 수 있는 방편이기도 하다. This study began with the finding that the academic world of Korea has no sufficient interest in the impact of the Vietnam War on Korean society. Earlier studies were mainly based on Korean-American relations, Vietnam special procurement, killing of civilians etc. However, the experience of ROK forces seems to have left a mark in contemporary Korean society. How did Vietnam War influence the society? During the war, the Park Chung-hee administration decided to support Korean soldiers dispatched to Vietnam and run army family support programs. This study examines the experiences of Vietnam War soldiers from Incheon and their families. Using local histories, it is possible to engage with the historical consciousness of ordinary citizens and their episodes. History from the bottom up provides a useful methodology to reexamine official narratives. With data from local newspapers in particular, the story uses interesting tales, and explores themes of Incheon’s Vietnam War experiences and campaigns to help soldiers and their families. The impact of the war upon the port city Incheon is considered in relation to war casualties, gift delivery, military family life counseling, national mobilization policies etc. It was probable that presidential and general elections were manipulated by the central and local governments supporting soldiers and their families through social welfare program. This study will excite great interest from local audiences and are invaluable in encouraging an interest in local history as well as in making sense of the history of Korea’s Vietnam War. Moreover, Incheon city should pay attention to settling past affairs as well as to providing compensation benefits for Vietnam veterans. I hope Quy Nhơn, the first sister city of Incheon, will be back peacefully.