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尹慶宇 건국대학교 1968 學術誌 Vol.9 No.1
The problem of corruption in political affairs represents one of the dilemmas modern states alike harbor, and accordingly to prevent political corruption constitutes one of the important tasks which modem states, whether they like or not, cannot but tackle. Though political fund is often ornamentally expressed to be "the cost of democracy", it has, in the case of our country, been utilized in a wrung way as medium whereby to seek for reflexive benefits in wicked collaboration with forces of political privileges, thus always causing injustice and arousing suspicion. In a hope to wipe out such an unpleasant atmosphere of Korean politics so that we may see politics being conducted fairly under the open surveillance of the populace, I intend in this article to look into the relationship between the political fund and phenomena of corruption and to examine the problem of how political fund can be rationally managed. The matters I handle are as follows : a. Open system of party finance. b. Adjustment of party organization. c. The problem of revising election districts. d. Ethicization of big business. e. The educational-sociological tack of politics.
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尹慶宇,申福龍 건국대학교 1978 學術誌 Vol.22 No.1
[1] This article is written to bring light on the problems of Korean elites with special references to their recruitment, characteristics, roles and substitute. The weight of elites which is a product of modern political ideology is heavier than any other sects in developing countries. Whether a new state can maintain both stability and development hinges, to a large extent, on the integration of its political elites. Especially during the transition from traditional polities to a more modern political system, elites play a crucial role. Elite activities determine the speed and effectness with which the polity can move toward national integration and political modernity. [2] The recruitment of elites in developing countries can not be considered apart from the mass. Whatever their fear of the masses, the governmental elites in new nations can not do anything without them. While the elite may be unsymphathetic to mass effort to excercise influence, they do want to mobilize the mass for its goals. In Korean case, history of formation of elites can not be deemed as a long one. It did not date back to before the liberation from Japanese rule, because it was after the liberation that the Korean intellectuals approached to the political problems with ideology. In this respect, early elites were recruited from the returning groups from the foreign refuge. But they had many difficult problems, because that they had not any political foundation in their native country; that they were lack of political training : that it was inevitable for them to divide themselves unwillingly on account of territorial difference for their independent fight ; and that their Western political thought was unfamiliar to masses. Those "heroes of renunciation" ex-pected in vain the closeness between mass and themselves in a minute, therefore they felt another alienation. They also have a desperate fight with weakness of economic foundation. [3] The roles what Korean elites should play can be explained as following : First, they should complete the political integration by solving the conflicts around democracy. From the political view, in Korea where is lack of civilian political tradition, our democratic constitution seems to he a superficial graft. But we have had some deomocratic heritages in our history. The thirst task of the Korean elites is to systematize those heritages as a real ideology. Especially, the fact that we have faced to the communist challenge makers it inevitable. And our democratic education must be accomplished with critique on the Communism. Secondly, it is another task of Korean elites to solve the convicts and to integrate politically through educational activities. National patriotism would he in direct proportion to the ratio of literacy. Therefore it is impossible to impose the educational activities to the educators only, as it were, elites should take a part in educational problems. And it musts be remembered that all intellectual activities should be shaded within context of tradition. Thirdly, Korean elites must have regard to the nationalism. Political, economic and ideological unit of today is nation. The nature of nation is not the objective elements as territory or blood but the subjective one as a "state of mind." Therefore in nationalist movement, the leading elites are indispensible more than in any other gorups. Because national sentiment has high suggestibility. [4] In discussing the problems of elites, we can hardly turn our faces from the military as their substitute. As recently as 1930's military government was identified as the ultimate type of totalitarianism. But military industrialism during and after the WW II promoted their states. As Amos Perlmutter suggested, the army's presence in civilian affairs indicates that the existence of corruption is not expected to disappear in the near future ; that material improvements and ideological perspectives do not match; that traditional institutions are unable to bring about material improvement ; that modernized elites are incapable of establishing political institutions and structures which will sustain the momentum of social mobilization and modernization. The roles which military must play in Korea can be classified to four points : First, technical improvement and constructive business, secondly, application of personnel management and staff function, which they obtained in army services, to civilian affairs after the discharging, thirdly, getting training in citizenship, and lastly, the fact that the military has been the traditional bulwark of anti-communist crusades. But military intervention into the civilian affairs may encounter with dilemmas because that religious groups to not often agree on the military activities : that immoderate investment to the military affairs may make national economy lose its equiliibrium: that military intervention in one country encourages intervention by the armed forces of other countries in their own political systems; and the propensity for a military intervention is likely to decrease with increased social mobilization. [5] The main task of elites in Korea is, in conclusion, to accomplish the political integrity and political development by solving the conflicts remaining under the mass consciousness. For these aims, first, elites should stress the importance of consensus and maximize uniformity, secondly, they should emphasize the interplay of individual and group interests by maximizing the integrative values, which are main coals of elites' role.
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尹慶宇 건국대학교 1981 學術誌 Vol.25 No.1
In African the finished product of Western political development, in the guise of an intricate parliamentary system plus a rationalized administration, was presumed to be both valid and variable as the instrument for the self-government of people who had as yet experienced virtually none of the revolutions through which the West passed in the last centuries. One of the familiar roots of the problem of national integration in Africa is that the colonial power imposed upon the continent a set of political boundaries which impinged erratically on the established ethnic and political alignments of the African peoples, creating political on the which earth embraced a larger or smaller miscellary of disparate communities and not infrequently cut across tribal lines. Thus, no one can dispute that the role of the parties in national integration is, and presumably will remain, very great ; but some reservations must be entered. Increasingly, as recent events begin to demonstrate, where rifts open up in the society it is likely to be the military who take on the responsibility of securing national integration, supplanting leaders and parties which have failed to achieve the goals they set themselves.
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