1970년대 청계피복노동조합 노동자와 지식인의 연대관계형성 및 상호영향

유경순(YOO Kyeong Soon) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.44

This paper has examined solidarity relationship between workers and student/intellectuals after Chun Tae-Il had burned himself to death in 1970’s, especially by studying Chuggye Labor Union’s case. It was student activists then that tried to take solidarity action or started to get involved in labor union movement by becoming workers themselves. In particular, many students and intellectuals were in solidarity with Chunggye Labor Union. The relationship between workers and intellectuals looked different as the union was developing. At the initial stage of the union formation. relationship was made by having personal relations and in the middle period of the union, it was made by providing educational activities or consultation. As labor education was forced to shut down and union activities were in decline, the solidarity action was formed from labor related night school surrounding Chuggye Textile Industry Zone. Features of solidarity action changed on all such occasions. but what the all developments have in common is that intellectuals affected a change in workers’ consciousness to make them understand a matter of workplace and society through discussion, education and learning. As a result, those workers, who were affected by intellectuals, actively engaged in union activities and became union leaders. Also it made workers in Chuggye Labor Union feel acceptable on solidarity action with intellectuals unlike other independent labor unions. Acceptancy was demonstrated, after the union was forced to dissolve in 1981, when the union planned street protests by mobilizing student activists for union legitimacy since 1984. On the other hand, intellectuals were able to reach concrete understanding of labor issues by experiencing the workers’ reality. Consequently, those intellectuals played a key role to make a sentiment that student movement should be concerned about labor issues and support workers and that resulted in the source of solidarity action between students and workers. Understanding of labor issues also encouraged student activists to engage in the labor movement by being workers. Those participation in the workplace in 1970s were based on student activists’ collective moving into the workplace in 1980s.

투쟁하는 비정규직 여성노동자들

유경순(Kyeong-Soon Yoo) 도서출판여이연 2016 여성이론 Vol.- No.35

특집 1 : 1970년대와 1980년대의 학생운동연구 ; 학생운동가들의 노동운동 참여 양상과 영향 -1970년대를 중심으로

유경순 ( Kyeong Soon Yoo ) 민주화운동기념사업회 한국민주주의연구소 2013 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.29

1960년대 말 학생운동에 변화가 나타났다. 학생운동가들이 노동현장 투신을 시도하거나 이념서클을 형성한 것이었다. 이런 움직임은 전태일 분신사건 이후 더욱 활발해졌다. 그 결과 1970년대 후반기에 학생운동에서는 노동현장론이 등장했고, 직접 노동운동에 참여하는 이들도 있었다. 이들은 사회주의, 반독재운동, 민중주의 등의 의식이 혼재되어 있었다. 그러나 노동현장에 투신한 이들은 장기적인 관점으로 기술습득을 한 뒤 1970년대 후반기에 취업을 했기에 민주노조운동에 영향을 행사하지 못했고, 한국노총과 종교단체의 실무자로 활동한 이들은 개인적으로 민주노조 지원활동을 벌였을 뿐이다. 유일하게 크리스천 아카데미의 활동가들이 노동교육을 매개로 노조간부들의 정치의식화와 새로운 노조운동의 주체형성을 시도하였다. 이러한 1970년대 학생운동세력의 변화는 1980년대 학생운동세력의 노학연대 활동과 집단적인 노동현장 투신의 바탕을 이루었다. In the late 1960s there was a change in the student movement. Student activists actively attempted entering workplace or formed the ideology circles after the events of the Jeontaeil. Their consciousness was mixed with Socialism, Bandokjae movement, and Minjung-ism(or populism). However, they did not exercise the influence on Democratic Trade Union Movement because of the late employment. And as the officials of Korea Confederation of Trade Unions, and of religious groups, they personally supported the democratic trade union activities only. Activists of the Christian Academy solely attempted to form the political education for the trade union leaders, and make the key men of a new trade union movement. In the base of these changes of the student movement of the 1970s, the student movement in the 1980s constituted Nohak(Labor-Student) solidarity and entered the workplace collectively.

젠더관계에서 본 1970년대 민주노조의 유형별 특성

유경순 ( Yoo Kyeong Soon ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2017 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.36

1970년대 노동자들은 민주노조운동을 통해 노동자 정체성을 형성해갔지만 전통적인 성역할 의식을 변화시킨 것은 아니었다. 민주노조운동을 젠더관계로 살펴보면 여러 양상들이 나타난다. 민주노조들을 노동과정의 성별 구성, 성별 지도력, 노조 내부의 성별 관계 등을 통해서 세 유형으로 나눠서 보면, 첫째 유형인 남성 주도적 지도력을 중심으로 한 청계피복노조 안에 성별 위계화가 나타났다. 10여 년 남성 지부장들이 노조활동을 주도하면서 여성 조합원들의 성차별적 요구가 간과 되었다. 이에 저항하여 여성 간부들이 두 차례나 여성 지부장을 선출하려 시도했다. 둘째 유형인 남녀 공동 지도력을 형성한 원풍모방에서는 성차별 해소를 위한 단체협약을 만들어냈지만, 노조교육 등의 체계에 일상화시켜내지 못해 이를 실제화하는 데는 한계를 보였다. 셋째 유형인 여성 주도적인 지도력을 형성한 콘트롤데이타노조에서는 여성 의제를 실천했다. 그 이유는 콘트롤데이타 노조가 100% 여성노동자들로 구성되어 성별갈등이 없었고, 활동이 안정적으로 지속된 점, 또 여성지도부가 여성 조합원들과의 일상적 소통을 바탕으로 여성 의제를 찾아 교육과 선전을 통해 성의식 변화를 위해 노력했기 때문이다. 이처럼 1970년대 민주노조운동은 성평등하지 않았고, 그 때문에 일부 여성 노동자들은 성차별에 저항했고, 일부 민주노조들은 여성 의제를 실천하였다. In 1970s the labors of the conservative sexual morality had built the Labor Identity under Democratic Labor Union Movement, not changed their sexual consciousness. If we inspect the Democratic Labor Union Movement on the point of Gender Relations, the various aspects will come out. Investigating the Democratic Labor Unions through the leadership by distinction of sex, the relations of distinction of sex in Union, and the stability and durability of Labor Union activities, the following results was yielded. First, like Dongil textile company labor union in the center of man leadership, the antagonism of companydominated union VS democratic labor union aroused on the conflict of men labors VS women labors. Moreover, in the democratic labor union appeared the gender hierarchy and so like Chunggye Labor Union the men heads of the local branch led the union activities in the 10 years and then opposing at that point, women staffs attempted to elect woman head of the local branch twice. Second, the partnership of the men and women leaders in WonPung spinning and weaving practiced the several sexual discriminations. Third, the distinction between the democratic labor union leaded by the women remained. Only Control data labor union and Samsumg Pharmaceutical labor union put woman agenda in practice. For the reasons, there were no sexual troubles because of the 100% women labors in that two labor union, that activities remained stable, and because the leaders made efforts for the change of the sexual consciousness through the education & propaganda about woman agenda on the base of the daily interaction with the union members, it was possible. As you see, Democratic Labor Union Movement in 1970s was not neutral on sexual agenda. By that means some woman labors resisted the sexual discrimination, and some democratic labor unions practiced the woman agenda.

1980년대 학생운동가들의 노학연대활동과 노동현장투신 방식의 변화

유경순 ( Kyeong Soon Yoo ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2015 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.32

After the Gwangju Democratic Uprising in 1980, the student movement became radical for the purpose of revolutionizing the social framework. The student movement expanded the ideology circles, and they intended to train and produce the vanguards through the study and practice on social science. On the base of these circle activities, since 1984 MT group on Minjung directivity in student movement force had demonstrated with laborers, especially by Nohak solidarity activities. Also the factory activities to undergo the labor reality had become established as the main training program. MC group had spread the contact with the laborers through the labor night school movement around an industrial complex. In these process the student activitists went into the Labor Field collectively for the society revolution. Unlike 1970`s student activitists engaged in an unskilled worker without the acquirement of technics, and entered upon the Labor Field by the small group, not individually, or further collectively with the political organization. In consequence they made a appearance as an new subject of labor movement in 1980`s and so strengthened the change directivity in labor movement together with driving the political organization movement.