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우덕찬 ( Duck Chan Woo ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2008 지중해지역연구 Vol.10 No.2
Cyprus has been divided since 1974. Greek Cypriots live in the two-thirds of the island. Turkish Cypriots live in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus(TRNC), recognized only by Turkey. United Nations Peacekeeping Forces(UNFICYP) maintain a buffer zone between the two. Since the late 1970s, the UN has promoted negotiations aimed at reunifying Cyprus. Especially, on February 26, 2003, Kofi Annan submitted a comprehensive settlement Plan for Cyprus problem, namely Annan Plan, based on Swiss and Belgian government models. This was the most constructive settlement Plan, comparing to submitted Plans by UN previously. But the two sides did not agree on it. Based on the Plan, in referenda on April 2004, 75.8% of Greek Cypriot voters rejected the Plan, while 64.9% of Turkish Cypriot voters accepted it. This result led to the failure of Annan Plan. But on March 2008, The Greek Cypriot leader Dimitris Christofias and Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat agreed to restart peace talks on reunifying their ethnically split island. Talat and Christofias will meet again in three months, each side will set up committees to begin working together on the details of an agreement to reunify the island. Obviously, the summit talks between two leaders will be a cornerstone to the settlement of Cyprus problem. But there are a lot of obstacles to lead in the unification of Cyprus in near future.
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우덕찬 ( Duck Chan Woo ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2004 지중해지역연구 Vol.6 No.2
The purpose of this study is to examine the political thoughts and the ideologies of Young Intellectuals(Young Ottomans and Young Turks) and their views of women in the last period of Ottoman Empire. Young Ottomans, among whom were Sinasi, Ziya Pasha, Sadullah and Namık Kemal, emerged as a reaction to the authoritarianism, extreme Westernism and superficiality of Tanzimat policies. Their ideology involved a complex blend of Ottoman nationalism, Islamism and constitutionalism. Young Ottomans were the earliest advocates of women`s emancipation, preparing the ground for later reforms, Sinasi`s satirical play Sair Evlenmesi (The Poet`s Wedding) written in 1859 is considered one of the earliest criticisms of the arranged marriage system. Among them, Namık Kemal was the most important intellectual. He was vocal in his criticisms of the more oppressive and unjust aspects of marriage and family life, as well as women`s overall position in society. He used the newpaper he edited, Ibret, to call for reforms in women`s education. His novel, Zavallı Cocuk (Poor Child) also offer critical commentaries on women`s condition. Young Turks influenced by the political and the ideological thoughts of Young Ottoman were the second generation of Young Intellectuals in the last period of Ottoman Empire. Especially, the overthrow of the autocratic regime in 1908 by Young Turks, members of CPU(the Committee of Union and Progress), was followed by a period of intense social upheaval and ideological ferment. Women`s rights issues were no exception. During the Second Constitutional Period, debates on women and the family became more tightly and self-consciously integrated into ideological positions representing different recipes for salvaging the empire. These can be identified as Islamist, Westernist and Turkist positions. But it goes without saying that the activities of Young Intellectuals in the last period of Ottoman Empire served as an important springboard for the reforms under the Ataturk regime.
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1960-70년대 터키 알레비의 정치세력화에 관한 연구
우덕찬(Woo, Duck-Chan) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2016 중동문제연구 Vol.15 No.2
터키는 제2차 세계대전 후 1950년대에 접어들면서 중대한 정치적 경제적 변화를 경험하게 되었다. 특히 1950년대 중반부터 터키의 사회적 정치적 환경은 인구증가, 교육의 확대, 산업발전 그리고 도시나 외국으로의 대량이주로 인해 급격히 변화되었는데 이에 편승해서 도시나 외국으로의 알레비(Alevi)1)들의 대량이주2)도 진행되었다3). 수세기에 걸쳐 주로 농촌이나 시골 산간지역에 거주해 오던 알레비들은 도시화와 사회적 분화라는 변화를 경험하게 되었고 그들의 종교 활동은 약화되었으며 데데(Dede) 중심의 전통적 공동체 조직4)도 와해되어갔다. 브루인센(Bruinssen)이 지적하듯이, 알레비들의 도시로의 대량이주는 알레비들로 하여금 다수를 구성하는 지배 순니 계들과 직접적 접촉과 이로 인한 경쟁과 갈등관계를 야기 시켰는데(Bruinessen 2002, 8), 알레비들은 새로운 타자와의 접촉을 통해 자신들의 정체성 문제에 직면하게 되었다. 도시로 이주한 알레비들의 대부분은 알레비 신앙(Alevism)을 정체성의 상징으로 받아들였고 지배 순니계에 대항하는 저항의 도구로 인식했으며 교육을 받은 신세대 알레비들 중에는 알레비 신앙을 무신론적 좌파이론으로 해석함과 동시에 데데제도를 착취의 한 형태로 규정하고 데데를 부정하는 계층도 나타나게 되었다(우덕찬 2010, 200). 알레비문제가 본격적인 사회문제로 대두되게 한 결정적 사건은 1960년 5월 27일 발생한 군부 쿠데타였다. 특히 1961년 새로 제정된 신헌법은 국민의 기본권과 자유를 제한하는 모든 장애물을 제거한 헌정사상 유래 없는 획기적 헌법이었는데 이러한 급격히 변화된 정치적, 사회적 상황은 알레비문제가 공론화되는 제도적인 틀을 마련하게 되었고 종국에는 1960-70년대 알레비들의 정치세력화를 야기 시켰다. 터키 알레비의 정치세력화는 크게 세 가지 형태로 진행되었다. 첫째는 정치적·사회적 동원을 통한 자신들의 권익도모를 위한 이익단체의 출범과 일련의 잡지들의 출간을 통해 이루어졌다. 둘째는 최초의 알레비정당인 통합당의 창당이었다. 마지막 세 번째는 알레비 청년세대의 좌파운동을 통해 이루어졌다. 1960년대-70년대 터키 알레비의 정치세력화에 관한 국내·외의 연구는 매우 부족한 상황인데, 국외의 연구로는 메시카드(Massicard)의 연구5)가 유일하고 국내의 연구로는 터키 알레비의 정체성문제를 다룬 논자의 개괄적 연구6)가 있다. 이런 측면에서 볼 때 본 연구는 1960년대-70년대 터키 알레비의 정치세력화 문제를 총체적으로 다룬 국내 최초의 연구라 할 수 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 먼저 1960년대-70년대 터키 알레비의 정치세력화를 야기 시킨 역사적 배경에 대해 살펴보고 이어 알레비 동원, 알레비 통합당 그리고 알레비 좌파운동에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. In the 1950’s, after World War II, Turkey witnessed important politico-economic changes. The socio-political landscape of the country was transformed by demographic growth, expansion of education, development of industry, and massive migration to cities and foreign countries in the 1950s. Alevis started to migrate to urban areas following the social and economic change in Turkey. The adaptation to urban life and modernity brought about dramatic changes for the Alevi community. The 1960 coup, and the Constitution that followed in its wake, played an important role in the setting of the Alevi issue on the political agenda and were the crucial to the momentum that led to the politicization of the Alevis in the 1960s-70s. The pattern of the politicization of the Alevis at that time is compartmentalized into the Alevist mobilization, the formation of Unity Party, and the leftist movement of Alevi youth. The Alevist mobilization led to the creation of Alevi associations in big cities and the creation of newspapers and magazines attempting to put the Alevi issue on the political agenda. The Unity Party was created on October 17th, 1966. Defining itself as Kemalist, secularist and progressive, and refusing conflicts of class and confession, this party advocated a planned economy controlled by the state, and promised the redistribution of land. But the Unity Party did not succeed in gathering Alevi votes. The Alevis were too socially and economically differentiated to gather in a party. The Alevi youth was politicized to take up the left position and devoted themselves to egalitarian revolutionary ideologies during the period of left-right polarization in the 1960s and 1970s.
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우덕찬 ( Duck Chan Woo ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2003 지중해지역연구 Vol.5 No.2
The aim of this study is to examine the modernization of Turkey and the status change of turkish women in the modernization process. The modernization in Turkey has begun in the last period of Ottoman Empire and culminated in the Tanzimat Reform. Owing to the Tanzimat Reform, women problem was formed in Ottoman Empire as a pending problem for the first time. In the last period of Ottoman Empire, Young Ottomans and Young Turks contributed to promoting of the social status of women. The Ataturk regime that replaced the Ottoman rule in Turkey played important roles in modernizing Turkey and is often praised for promoting gender equality and emancipation women. But this study argues that the Ataturk regime was limited in its intentions in regard to the change in women`s social role and gender relations. Although the republican government` policies led to considerable progress in certain areas, they fell short of achieving gender equality. In terms of legal policy framework, unequal treatment of sexes can be found in Criminal and Labor Laws, in addition to the Civil Law. The limited nature of the progress has usually been explained either by the strength of the Islamic tradition which curtailed the intended goals of Kemalism, or by the cautious strategy of the Kemalists who pursued a gradual course of change to avoid further alienation of the traditional groups. Thus, Kemalism intended to equip the Turkish women with education and finer skills, only to improve their contribution to the Republican patriarchy as better wives and mothers.
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우덕찬 ( Duck Chan Woo ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2014 지중해지역연구 Vol.16 No.4
This study focuses on the policy of JDP toward Alevi in Turkey. As we know, the Alevi issue has become the focus of intense debate in Turkish politics and society asthe Alevist recognition movement has developed since the 1990s. This marked the coming out of a previously silenced phenomenon and this process involved both an intensification of debates over religious rights of individuals and public reconstruction of Aleviness. These developments have brought the Alevis much freedom up until now whereas they were not permitted to enjoy such freedom previously. In 2007, for the first time in Turkey including the era of the Ottoman Empire, the ruling JDP government undertook a series of steps to respond to Alevi claims, known as the Alevi opening. The objective of the Alevi opening is to reconcile the Turkish state with the Alevis. The Alevi opening is now underway to address the Alevis`s claims with JDP`s implementing various political alternatives. There are many obstacles that prevent the fulfillment of Alevi claims. In my opinion, there are, however, many potential steps that would help eliminate barriers to social and political reconciliation. Legal and political reforms are important for surmounting structural inequalities and preventing the practices of marginalization.
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우덕찬 ( Woo¸ Duck-chan ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2020 지중해지역연구 Vol.22 No.4
This study focuses on Ottoman empire and Mediterranean in 16th century. From the beginning of the 16<sup>th</sup> century, Ottoman pursued expansionist policy in Mediterranean. It led to direct confrontations between Ottoman and Spanish empire. As a result of that, the 16<sup>th</sup> century Mediterranean has often been described as a battleground between the two great empires of Catholic Spain in the West and the Muslims Ottoman Empire in the East. It was a century during which the two great empires gave evidence of their formidable might. 1958 Preveza victory brought Ottoman superiority in the Mediterranean. But the Battle of Lepanto undermined her dominance. Despite that, Ottoman held the strong hand in the Mediterranean. After Tunisia went under absolute Ottoman rule at 1574, Spain ceased to struggle in the Mediterranean and directed to the Atlantic. Despite intense confrontation between two parties until the end of 16th century, commercial relations were maintained in indirect ways. It can be claimed that commerce was never interrupted. Because both parties needed the products of the other, relations were kept intact. European ports holding Ottoman imperial pledge mediated the trade between Spain and Ottoman empire and exchanged Eastern goods with Spanish silver. At the beginning major intermediary between two partie was Venice. Later, French port of Marseille took over this role. After that, Marseille became one of the major ports for trade between Spanish empire and Ottoman empire.
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