위성TV가 쿠웨이트 신세대 젊은이들 정체성 형성에 미치는 영향

엄익란 ( Ik Ran Eum ) 한국이슬람학회 2006 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.16 No.2

글로벌 소비시대 쿠웨이트 여성의 공적공간 활용과 전통적인 명예담론 재해석에 관한 연구

엄익란 ( Ik Ran Eum ) 한국중동학회 2013 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.33 No.3

걸프국가 소프트파워 구축전략과 한계 연구 : 사우디아라비아, 아랍에미리트, 카타르 문화산업을 중심으로

엄익란(Eum, IkRan) 한국중동학회 2020 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.1

미국의 정치학자 조셉 나이(Joseph Nye)는 “문화의 시대”라 일컬어지는 21세기, 한 국가의 외교전략 패러다임은 “하드파워”에서 “소프트파워”로 전환된다고 주장하였다. 걸프국가는 포스트오일 시대를 대비하여 자원자본을 활용한 기존의 국가발전 전략을 대체할 새로운 패러다임을 문화산업과 소프트파워 구축에서 찾고 있다. 이들 국가는 문화를 새로운 부의 원천으로 간주하고 있으며, 문화산업을 통한 산업다변화를 목표하고 있기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 걸프국가 중 사우디아라비아, 아랍에미리트, 카타르를 중심으로 국가별 소프트파워 구축전략을 분석하고 그 한계를 연구하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위해 본문에서는 소프트파워의 개념을 우선적으로 리뷰하고, 국가별 소프트파워 구축전략의 특징을 분석했으며, 그 한계를 첫째, 모방과 경쟁적인 소프트파워 강화전략과 보여주기 식의 “박제화”된 전통문화; 둘째, 국민의 호응이 부족한 통치가문의 제2세대가 추진하는 “펫 프로젝트(Pet Project)”, 셋째, 정치개혁 없이 경제발전만 강조한 결과 나타난 소프트파워 영향력 와해 현상 차원에서 분석하였다. Joseph Nye argued that national diplomatic paradigms shifted from ‘hard power’ to ‘soft power’ in the 21st century of ‘age of culture.’ In preparation for the post-oil era, the Gulf states are looking for a paradigm shift from a hard power building strategy to soft power through the development of cultural industry. These countries regard culture as a new source of wealth, and aim for economic diversification by enhancing tourism and sports events. This study analyzes the soft power construction strategies of Gulf countries with a focus on Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, and its limitations. To this end, this study reviews the concept of soft power and analyzes the characteristics of the soft power construction strategies in each of these countries. The paper discuss the soft power construction strategies from three perspectives: overheated competition among the three countries to enhance soft power, the lack of public consensus on the ‘pet project’ promoted by the second generation of the ruling family, and the ‘soft power disempowerment’ phenomenon emerged as a result of stressing economic achievement without political reform.

걸프지역 COVID-19 사례로 본 수니 무슬림의 반시아 종파주의 담론 분석

엄익란(Eum, IkRan) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.3

This study analyzes Sunni Muslims’ anti-Shia hatred sentiment under COVID-19 conditions. COVID-19 has emerged as a new fomenting element of sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shia in the Middle East. Since the WHO declared COVID-19 as a pandemic in March 2020, the virus has spread indiscriminately worldwide regardless of class, gender, age, and religion. Exploiting the ‘infodemic’ phenomenon, COVID-19 surpasses unfound fears toward other groups and amplifies hatred toward otherness. In the Middle Eastern region, the COVID-19 pandemic has restructured Sunni Muslim’s anti-Shia prejudice and hatred to a new level. Sectarianism, before COVID-19 was shaped by actual conflicts and violence that occurred on the front lines between Saudi supported Sunni groups and Iran supported Shia groups. The current sectarianism occurs in the online space, reinforcing ‘civilization and science’ vs. ‘barbarism and superstition’ discourse and ‘Islamic’ and ‘non-Islamic’ theological dimensions, regarding COVID-19 as God’s punishment. In addition, COVID-19 further deepened sectarianism at the grassroots level. This study is distinguished from previous studies as it highlights sectarianism in the Middle East from the perspective of the pandemic that threatens the security and stability of the region.

아랍 걸프지역 여성 인플루언서의 소셜미디어 활동사례로 본 온라인 참여문화와 사회문화적 함의 연구

엄익란(Eum, IkRan) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.42 No.2

This study analyzes the online participatory culture in the Arab Gulf region and its socio-cultural implications through a case study on the social media activity of female influencers and predicts the direction of social change. Due to the popularity of social media among young people, several individual endorsers, called “influencers,” have emerged from this region who influence audiences in the online space. Influencers are socio-cultural beings, and the online space is not value-neutral, but rather reflects societal values. Therefore, research on influencers is useful in capturing an aspect of social change. Social media has created a “virtual public feminized space” in the conservative Arab Gulf society, laying down an appropriate environment for female influencers to grow. The results show three socio-cultural implications of female influencers’ activities in the Arab Gulf society: first, women’s online activities are becoming more visible, and the influencers’ influence over their followers is growing. Second, socio-cultural taboos are loosening as the boundaries between the public and private spheres blur. Finally, social media has provided a new platform for female influencers to exercise their power in support of the women’s movement. For this study, a qualitative research method was employed to analyze the content of mega-influencers from the Arab Gulf region with more than 1 million followers.

2003년도 한국학술진흥재단 기초학문 연구과제 <제2년차> ; 「 이슬람의 가족법, 여성권리의 시각에서 본 개혁의 가능성」: 이집트, 튀니지, 모로코, 터키의 가족법 변화를 통한 고찰 ; 혼인에 관한 이집트인들의 인식과 실천

엄익란 ( Ik Ran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2005 중동연구 Vol.24 No.1

COVID-19가 중동국가에 미치는 여파 연구: 인간안보 관점을 중심으로

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2020 중동연구 Vol.39 No.2

The WHO declared COVID-19 as a ‘pandemic’ on 12 March 2020, and it signals a third wave with approaching the end of the year. COVID-19 has had serious impacts on the global economy and has brought about an abrupt change in daily life of people with ‘social distance’ measures. COVID-19 has shifted the traditional concept of national security from the perspective of infectious disease and human security. The Middle East is a fragile region in terms of human security, as defined by The United Nations Development Program(UNDP) in 1994. COVID-19 not only showed the countries’ weak medical system and national competence but also revealed the authoritarian nature of the political system of the Middle Eastern government, vulnerability to rent economy based on revenues from oil, tourism, overseas aid, and remittance. In addition, social tensions raised by sectarian conflict, social inequality, and gender discrimination as a result of COVID-19. These issues have existed even before the COVID-19 outbreak, however, it has surfaced the issues that were submerged during a peaceful period. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak in the Middle East countries from the perspective of human security. This study distinguishes previous studies that approach security issues of the Middle East, mainly from international relations.

니따까트 제도 도입에 따른 사우디 여성의 노동시장 진출 향방 연구

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2015 중동연구 Vol.34 No.2

Saudi Arabia has worked to nationalize its labor force (so-called Saudization) since the middle of the 1990s, with the objective of solving chronic labor market problems that include a heavy reliance on foreign workers, and youth unemployment. However, as this policy has not achieved the desired outcomes, in June 2011 the Saudi government introduced the Nitaqat policy, which forces private companies to employ Saudi nationals according to a quota system. Whether or not the Nitaqat policy has been effective is controversial. Since there has been an increase in Saudi youth employment in the private realm, the Saudi government considers it a success, however more than 200,000 companies have closed, due to their employment of high cost, unproductive Saudi nationals. It seems that the Saudi government prefers to maintain the status quo of inner national security and stability, rather than strive for economic effectiveness, in order to prevent a second Arab Spring. Saudi women have been regarded as the biggest beneficiaries of the Nitaqat policy, as their employment rate increased eightfold by 2013. Taking the Nitaqat system and its controversial effectiveness into consideration, this study aims to explore the impacts of the Nitaqat policy on the Saudi economy and political system, and to predict possible changes to components of Saudi society that currently have negative perceptions of women’s work.

한국식품의 GCC 시장진출을 위한 수출경쟁력 조사연구 - 사우디아라비아와 아랍에미리트를 중심으로 -

엄익란 ( Eum Ikran ),박유경 ( Park Yukyong ),이병서 ( Lee Byongseo ),조영찬 ( Jo Youngchan ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2018 중동연구 Vol.37 No.1

The purpose of this study is to identify promising Korean agricultural products for advancement in the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC) food market with a focus on Saudi Arabia and the UAE, and to analyze the export competitiveness for the selected items based on KANO and TIMKO model. To this end, this study employed a focus group interview, participation in Dubai Food Festivals, face to face consumer sensory evaluation, and in-depth interviews with distributors from August 2017 to December 2017. The study found that dried fruit/vegetable chips, Korean traditional beverages and fresh food were competitive while Korean ethnic foods such as gochujang and tteokbokki were not well known. The study result suggests that the improvement of product favorability and purchase intention should be encouraged through food tasting, promotion and advertisement, and development of various recipes using ingredients familiar to local consumers.

미군 철수 후 탈레반의 아프가니스탄 점령과 아프간 여성의 미래 전망

엄익란 ( Eum Ik Ran ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2021 중동연구 Vol.40 No.2

The Taliban returned to power two decades after being toppled by US led forces, and consequently, chaos and unrest erupted in Afghanistan as people tried to flee the country and terrorism. Unlike in the past, the Taliban’s new leadership has sent a soft and conciliatory message to the international community. Nevertheless, the international community’s view of the Taliban remains negative. In particular, the media reported the violence that occurred in the streets occupied by the Taliban’s troops, claiming that the leadership’s conciliatory message does not represent any transformation in the organization, and is actually a camouflage. Considering the current situation in Afghanistan and claims of the Taliban’s double-faced behavior, this study addressed two questions: 1) Has the Taliban really changed? 2) What will Afghan women’s future be like under the Taliban regime? The media has generalized and stereotyped the Taliban as a unified force and, consequently, relied on a simplified discourse to approach the issue while defining the Afghan people, especially the women, as targets who need to be rescued from the Taliban’s violence and oppression. However, it is not as simple as this, and factors such as various ethnic groups and political forces within Afghanistan should be taken into consideration. To answer the above mentioned questions, this study diachronically considered the current situation in Afghanistan from the time the nation was formed to the present, focusing on the issue of Afghan women based on a literature review, as this issue reflects the ideology of leadership whoever assums the power in Afghanistan.