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엄규숙(Kyu-Sook Um),황석만(Suk-Man Hwang) 한국인문사회과학회 2019 현상과 인식 Vol.43 No.2
이 연구는 수십 년 간 지속되는 맞벌이가구 안에서 가사노동 불평등 분담 현상을 이해하고 대안을 모색하는 연구이다. 통계청의 “2014 생활시간조사” 자료를 분석하여 맞벌이 가구의 여성과 남성이 가사노동을 어떻게 분담하고 있는 지 파악하고, 분담을 결정하는 요인을 분석하였다. 하루 평균 남성은 46분, 여성은 196분을 가사노동에 사용하는 것으로 나타났고, 임금노동과 가사노동시간을 합한 총 노동시간의 경우에도 여성은 주 65시간으로 남성의 55시간보다 10시간이나 더 직장과 가정에서 일하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 성 (불)평등 이론 등 네 가지 이론을 활용한 가사노동 분담 결정요인 분석 결과는 여성의 성평등 의식, 노동시간, 소득, 남편에 대한 상대적 지위 등이 가사노동 분담에 일정하게 영향을 주지만 가사노동 부담의 불평등 현상을 고칠 수 없음을 보여준다. 또한 미취학 가구원의 존재는 부부 모두에게 가사노동을 크게 증가시키지만, 여성은 보통 남성에 비해 두 배 정도 더 높은 부담을 지게 된다. 이 연구는 맞벌이 가구 내에서 가사분담이 가족구성원의 특성이나 의지를 넘어서는 외부 요인에 의해서 결정된다는 것을 보여주고 가사노동 불평등의 해소, 이를 통한 가족의 평등한 시간향유를 위해서는 정책적 개입이 필요함을 시사한다. This research is an attempt to understand the continuing unequal divisaion of housework in dual income households for decades and to find solutions. The analysis of the data of the “2014 Time Survey” of the National Statistical Office, Korea revealed the factors that determine the allocation of domestic labor. The average daily housework time for males is 46 minutes and for females is 196 minutes. In the case of total working hours combined wage and housework hours, women spend 65 hours a week whereas men spend 55 hours. The analysis of determinants of domestic labor allocation shows that some effective determinants of housework allocation such as gender consciousness, working time, income and relative position to husband; however, it is not possible for women to achieve the equality through the improvement in those factors. Also, the presence of preschoolers greatly increases housework for both couples, but women are usually twice as likely to be burdened. This study, in sum, shows that housework sharing is determined by external factors beyond family members’ characteristics or willingness in dual-earner families, suggesting that policy intervention is necessary for eliminating domestic time inequality and guaranteeing the equal enjoyment of private time among family members.
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엄규숙 연세대학교 여성연구소 1998 연세 여성연구 Vol.4 No.-
The welfare system is not sex blind. This paper attempts to support this argument using the experiences of the advanced industrialized countries. Welfare systems in those countries do not benefit women as much as they do men. The status and rights of women in the welfare system have been varied according to the individual welfare system as influenced by historical and political factors. This paper explains how the status and the right of the women has been changed in Western Europe. It reviews the formation of the female specific policies in the marking of the general welfare policy. Following this, it discusses the conflict between the female welfare policy and the welfare state in crisis during the 1980's. This paper also categorizes the status of the female in the welfare system to use it as an objective indicator in distiguishing the dilemma between the equality politics and the female-specific welfare benefits. Women's roles can be defined in various ways:the recipient, the employee the and citizen in the welfare state. The relationship between women and welfare system is determined by the complex social policy entity assuming specific gender relationship. In a liberal state, the relationship of women to the state appears as the recipient of the benefits for the poor, but in a cooporatist or Scandinavian country women have established themselves as the recipients of major welfare benefits based on the four major social insurances and/or a female specific welfare policy. The possibility of the welfare system actively changing the gender relationship has grown as women have become the employees of the welfare system and as formal equality has developed into substantive equality and a opened the dimension of social rights. This happened through the establishment of welfare system, which reorganized the gender division of labour. The formation of the women-friendly welfare system has been possible according to the political capacity of the women and social movements, which suggests that the welfare system is the political battleground of institutional resource re-allocation. The experience of the industrial countries suggests that women's movement should propose a new agenda get publicity, and force the institutionalization of welfare policies which can change current gender division of labor. This is even more urgent because Korea is in the process of forming it welfare system.
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