제주 4 · 3 특별법과 양민학살 담론, 그것을 뛰어 넘어

양정심 역사학연구소 2000 역사 연구 Vol.- No.7

1948년 4월 3일, 한라산에 봉화가 오르고!

양정심 재단법인 내일을여는역사재단 2018 내일을 여는 역사 Vol.70 No.-

베제된 기억 - 제주 4·3항쟁의 역사

양정심 제주4.3연구소 2006 4.3과 역사 Vol.6 No.-

한국전쟁기 제주지역사회의 변동

양정심 수선사학회 2009 史林 Vol.0 No.33

The Korean war changed both the features of the Korean Society and affected local communities. The experiences in the war accelerated social conflicts and changes in the local communities, those aspects were shown differently according to the diversity of individual community. Also Jeju island had some changes and conflicts in its local level. These changes were driven and led by the state power outside. Jeju island played a few kinds of roles during the war; it covered a POW camp and boot camp for the Army; in addition, many refugees flocked into Jeju. When the progress of battles were bad, Jeju was once taken a notice of a withdrawal place for the R.O.K government, but it was just an island as a harbor in the war. However the large influx of the refugees accelerated the changes of Jeju society with varied conflicts were from political and social ground. The relation between native Jeju residents and the refugees showed social conflicts; the former experienced strong suppression by search-and-destroy that was performed military and police troops from the main land, the latter was becoming its influence onto local society in Jeju island. It superficially looked that there have been arguments between Jeju native residents and refugees from main land around relief supplies, but substantially there were deep rooted mutual distrust and strangeness. In this process, some refugees considered native residents the reds and tried to hold the leadership of local politics in Jeju island. The central government of R.O.K chose its co-operators, who came from the main land. As non-native people in Jeju took the leadership in the area of administration, the administration of justice, and the police, native elite groups became to decline. Some native elites still continue to take their local power in the island, but they were subjugated to the central government-ultra right wing regime. While the native elites were declining, it was a new opportunity for general native Jeju island residents to rebirth the people of the R.O.K out of the scarlet letter, the Reds in April 3 struggle. Rhee regime encouraged Jeju island the rear base. Jeju island residents had to make efforts to be approved as the real nation with going the army, joining student soldiers, and making Jeju the place of refugee. There was no way for Jeju island residents except rushing into anti-communism front during the Korean war. The Korean war changed both the features of the Korean Society and affected local communities. The experiences in the war accelerated social conflicts and changes in the local communities, those aspects were shown differently according to the diversity of individual community. Also Jeju island had some changes and conflicts in its local level. These changes were driven and led by the state power outside. Jeju island played a few kinds of roles during the war; it covered a POW camp and boot camp for the Army; in addition, many refugees flocked into Jeju. When the progress of battles were bad, Jeju was once taken a notice of a withdrawal place for the R.O.K government, but it was just an island as a harbor in the war. However the large influx of the refugees accelerated the changes of Jeju society with varied conflicts were from political and social ground. The relation between native Jeju residents and the refugees showed social conflicts; the former experienced strong suppression by search-and-destroy that was performed military and police troops from the main land, the latter was becoming its influence onto local society in Jeju island. It superficially looked that there have been arguments between Jeju native residents and refugees from main land around relief supplies, but substantially there were deep rooted mutual distrust and strangeness. In this process, some refugees considered native residents the reds and tried to hold the leadership of local politics in Jeju island. The central government of R.O.K chose its co-operators, who came from the main land. As non-native people in Jeju took the leadership in the area of administration, the administration of justice, and the police, native elite groups became to decline. Some native elites still continue to take their local power in the island, but they were subjugated to the central government-ultra right wing regime. While the native elites were declining, it was a new opportunity for general native Jeju island residents to rebirth the people of the R.O.K out of the scarlet letter, the Reds in April 3 struggle. Rhee regime encouraged Jeju island the rear base. Jeju island residents had to make efforts to be approved as the real nation with going the army, joining student soldiers, and making Jeju the place of refugee. There was no way for Jeju island residents except rushing into anti-communism front during the Korean war.

한국전쟁기 미군의 전쟁범죄 조사와 처리 -전쟁범죄조사단(KWC)을 중심으로-

양정심 한국민족운동사학회 2010 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.64

The U.S. force raised the need for organized investigation about war crimes with mentioning the concept of war crimes immediately after the Korean war's break out. It resulted in setting up a War Crimes Division. War Crimes Division was organized under the need of investigation, arrest for war criminals and the organization charged with the task of trial. The War Crimes Division was organized in judge advocate general of the U.S. Eighth Army on 13, October in 1950. It transferred to military district of quartermaster in Korea in September of 1952. This organization was released on 31, May in 1954 since the war ceased. The War Crimes Division’s task was mainly to investigate some events that were suspected of war crimes and to organize case files in the preparation of war-crimes trial after the war. Its investigation was performed generally through interrogation to POWs. Field trip investigations were also made to demonstrate war crimes’ evidence. Another method to obtain the evidence of war crimes was the body recovery program and collecting statements given by returnees with the exchange operation of prisoners. The investigation of the War Crime Division was focused on the prisoner of war returnees since it moved to military district of quartermaster in Korea. Its activities were performed linked with ‘Little Switch’ and ‘Little Switch’, the exchange operations of prisoners. At the same time, the investigation of the War Crime Division primarily devoted to the screening of case files and re-tabulation of statistics for the preparation of the interim report. As the result, 1,956 cases were referred to the Office of the Judge Advocate General and Army Headquarters in Washington D.C. and Far Eastern Military Headquarters. The War Crime Division not only investigated the atrocities suspected as People’s Army and People's Liberation Army committed, but also checked and preserved huge number of case files systematically. Some parts of those case files were submitted as corroborative facts to a special subcommittee on Korean War Atrocities. However, the U.S. never conducted a war-crime trial, nor took legal action against war crimes through the International Court. The POWs were exchanged. It was declared that even non-repatriated war criminals from People’s Army were not charged with war crimes. The policy of the U.S. force was not to use war criminal materials to make it easier for UN POWs to return. There was the situation of the U.S. was not immune from the suspicion of war crimes’ perpetrators behind its attitude like above. Finally, investigation activities of War Crimes Division could not be far from propaganda charging hostile countries at war and collecting evidences for the preparation in post-wartime. 미군은 한국전쟁이 발발한 직후부터 전쟁범죄의 개념을 거론하면서 조직적인 조사 활동의 필요성을 제기했다. 그것은 전쟁범죄조사단 설치로 이어졌다. 전쟁범죄조사단은 한국전쟁 관련 전쟁 범죄자들에 대한 조사와 체포, 그리고 재판을 위한 운용 책임을 맡을 조직이 필요하다는 판단 속에서 조직되었다. 1950년 10월 13일 전쟁범죄조사단은 미 8군 법무과 내에 설치되었고, 1952년 9월 한국병참관구로 이관되었다. 이 조직은 전쟁이 끝나고 1954년 5월 31일에야 해체되었다. 전쟁범죄조사단의 주요 활동은 전쟁범죄로 추정되는 사건을 조사하고 이후의 전범재판에 대비하기 위해 사건 기록을 정리하는 것이었다. 조사 활동은 주로 거제도 포로 심문을 통해 이루어졌고, 전범 증거를 입증하기 위한 현장 조사가 실시되었다. 이와 함께 증거들을 획득하는 또 다른 방법은 포로교환 작전으로 회수된 미군 유해와 귀환자들의 진술이었다. 한국병참관구 이관 이후 조사단의 조사 활동은 주로 귀환한 포로들을 대상으로 이루어졌다. 이는 포로 교환 작전인 ‘Little Switch’와 ‘Big Switch’와 연계되어서 진행되었다. 전선이 고착화됨에 따라 1952년 말 조사단의 활동은 중간보고서 준비를 위한 사건파일의 검토와 재도표화에 집중되었다. 그 결과 한국에서 일어나 1956개의 사건이 전쟁범죄 조사 및 분석 대상으로 워싱턴의 법무감실과 육군 본부, 그리고 극동군 사령부에게 제출되었다. 전쟁범죄조사단은 북한과 중국군이 저질렀다고 여겨지는 잔학행위를 조사했을 뿐만 아니라 방대한 사건 기록을 체계적으로 정리ㆍ보존했다. 이 기록들 일부는 한국전쟁의 잔학행위를 조사하기 위한 미 의회 청문회에 증거 자료로 제출되기도 했다. 하지만 미국은 전범재판을 열지도 않았고 국제재판소에 제소하지도 않았다. 포로들은 교환되었고, 송환되지 않은 북한군 전범일지라도 전범혐의가 유지되지 않는다고 공표했다. UN군 포로들의 순조로운 귀환을 위해 전범 자료를 이용하지 않겠다는 것이 미군의 정책이었다. 그러나 그 이면에는 전쟁범죄의 가해자 혐의로부터 자유롭지 못한 미국의 상황이 있었다. 결국 전쟁범죄 조사 활동은 상대국을 비난하는 선전전 성격과 전쟁 이후를 대비한 증거 수집의 양상을 벗어나기 힘들었던 것이다.

제주 4·3항쟁에 관한 연구 : 남로당 제주도위원회를 중심으로

梁正心 成均館大學校 史學會 1995 成大史林 Vol.11 No.-

1947년 제주3ㆍ1기념대회 주도세력에 대한 소고

양정심 제주4.3연구소 2017 4.3과 역사 Vol.17 No.-

미군정·이승만 정권의 제주4·3항쟁에 대한 인식

양정심 한국근현대사학회 2006 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.37 No.-

This paper tries to investigate into the level involvement of the United States Army Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK) and Rhee Syngman government during the process of suppression of the Jeju 4·3 Resistance. The Jeju 4·3 Resistance against the separated election for the separated government in Korean peninsula was the refusal of policy U.S. and USAMGIK. It was a shock to U.S. and USAMGIK. Therefore, Military Governor of USAMGIK, Maj. Dean decided co-operation of the Korean Constabulary and Korean Coast Guard in Jeju-Do. After the failure the election in Jeju, he dispatched Col. Brown to suppress 4·3 Resistance. The USAMGIK and the Rhee Syngman government killed a tenth people of all provincials. The Rhee Syngman government fabricated them the communist and consequently they were massacred by the government. The Rhee Syngman government also used them an instrument for escaping a crisis oriented a weakness of itself. After establishing the Korean government, the U.S. Army participated still with the massacre through the Military Assistance Advisory Group. In conclusion, Rhee government utilized discourses and ideologies to legitimize the use of state-led violence, in name of national security. Also, the USAMGIK and U.S. regarded South Korea as bulwark of anti-communism in Asia. Despite the fact that they Knew the mass slaughter among civilians by the 9th Regiment and massacre by rightist groups in Jeju, they did not resist such illegal and cruel activities. the USAMAIK and the U.S regarded jeju as the ideological battleground only.

해외 기록영화에 담긴 해방 전후 남북한의 사회상 비교

양정심 한국민족운동사학회 2016 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.87

Here are two goals for this study. This paper started from the question how should be the video records used to analyze modern Korean history, otherwise how much is it possible to use them under the same goal. I’d like to target at analyzing documentaries, specifically the Overseas Video Records among them, including newsreels which have been visual materials based on fact. Since Korean video recordings about the space of liberation have not been well-preserved, resources owned by foreign institutions have a significant historical value. Of course, all documentaries are “resources with a perspective.” They show the motives of the country or the institution which produced the images, as well as the foreign perspective on Korean politics and society. The US National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) holds the most amount of visual records. Among them, major documentary films about the space of liberation are included in the group of films from the US Army and North Korea. the North Korean regime produced numerous visual records as a propaganda tool. The second goal of this study attempted to discuss the social aspects of the space of liberation, or the so called “history of three years after liberation.” South Korea and North Korea, US and USSR projected their perspective about the liberation and the establishment of the governments in South and North Koreas in video records. The competition between US and USSR around Korean Peninsula, represented by video images, too. They produced the documentary films on a large scale with their own view. Therefore analyzing the images and narratives of these films is deeply related to explaining the division of South and North Korea. Very few attempts have been made to bring news films and other documentary films into the field of Korean history because it is not easy to historicize video records. Also, we need to conduct research not only regarding the content of the film but also technological aspects of the film. However, the fundamental issue is the historical methodology on the formation of relationship between visual records and history, or film and history. This was the point upon which this paper is based. 이 글은 영상자료의 사료적 가치에 주목해서 해방과 분단의 사회상을 살펴보았다. 여기에서 주목했던 분석 대상은 영상자료에서도 ‘해외 기록영화’이다. 미군정기 국내의 영상기록이 거의 남아있지 않은 상황에서 해외의 기록영화는 중요한 사료적 가치가 있다. 기록영화는 시각자료이자 1차 사료의 성격을 갖는다. 기록영화는 역사 현장의 모습을 직접 전달하는 장점이 있다. 그러나 기록영화를 비롯한 영상이미지는 목적을 가지고 촬영되었다. 영상기록이 당시의 시대를 그대로 보여주는 현장성도 있지만, 일상의 사건과 삶의 모습을 이미지로 기록했던 영상물은 촬영 당시의 기획자의 의도가 가미된 편집의 요소를 가지고 있다. 미국은 공보부라는 민간영역 뿐만 아니라 군대에서도 많은 영상물을 생산했다. 미군 육군통신대는 미군 진주 직후부터 순차적으로 한국의 정치ㆍ사회적 상황을 촬영했다. 공보부 제작 영상들이 많이 소실된 것에 비해 미군이 생산한 영상들은 많은 분량이 현재 국립문서기록관리청(NARA)에 남아있다. 그리고 NARA는 한국전쟁 시기 미군이 노획한 북한의 기록영화도 다수 소장하고 있다. 이를 바탕으로 이 글은 미국과 소련, 남한과 북한 등 촬영 주체가 다른 기록영화를 서로 견주어 보면서 해방과 분단의 남북한 사회상과 미ㆍ소의 이미지 전략을 살펴보고자 했다. 38도선을 경계로 일본군을 무장해제 시키기 위한 명목으로 진주한 미국과 소련은 냉전으로 변모하는 국제정세 속에서 본격적인 세력 경쟁을 한반도에서 구현하기 시작했다. 자국의 정책과 문화 논리를 영상을 통해서도 파급하기 시작했다. 이는 미국도 소련도 북한도 남한도 마찬가지였다. 문맹인구가 아직은 다수인 나라에서 논픽션의 진정성은 대중에게 다가가기 쉬었던 것이다. 미소 양국의 세력 경쟁은 결국 분단으로 귀결되었고, 그 과정에서 자국에게 유리한 선전과 이미지를 위한 문화적 경쟁 또한 치열하게 이루어졌다. 남한은 미군정 기간 동안 점차 미국화 된 사회ㆍ문화적 영향을 받아들이게 되었고 북한의 소련화 경향도 마찬가지였다. 정치적 체제는 정반대이지만 선전과 이미지화라는 성격은 비슷하게 진행되었던 것이다.

반쪽의 역사 보여주기―대한민국역사박물관 제2전시실(1945~1960)

양정심 역사문제연구소 2013 역사비평 Vol.- No.84