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Well-Being Discourse and Chinese Food in Korean Society
양영균 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2010 Korea Journal Vol.50 No.1
In 21st-century Korean society, well-being has become a prominent topic in popular discourse. Even though well-being is a comprehensive concept that includes one’s physical, mental, and financial state, in popular discourse “well-being food” receives the most attention. Accordingly, the pattern of food consumption began to shift in response to the new discourse. Chinese food,long popular in Korea, is also experiencing various adjustments. This paper intends to analyze people’s perceptions and practices of well-being, as well as explore the image and consumption pattern of Chinese food in connection with well-being discourse. In Korea, Chinese food tends to be regarded as “unhealthy” and Chinese restaurants have a negative reputation for “uncleanliness.”Thus, those who prioritize well-being are unlikely to eat Chinese food. However, as people eat Chinese food for diverse reasons, if some take wellbeing into consideration after deciding to eat Chinese food, they choose restaurants that exhibit efforts to follow the well-being trend. Some Koreans believe that in terms of true well-being, it is better to eat Chinese food, even if it is unhealthy, than to stress about not eating it.
양영균 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2005 Korea Journal Vol.45 No.2
This paper examines the position and meaning of Chinese food and restaurants in Korean society. Chinese restaurants opened in Korea from around the late 19th century and the early 20th century to provide mostly male Chinese-Koreans with very simple food. Chinese foods had been cooked, sold, and consumed exclusively by Chinese-Koreans until the 1940s. In the 1950s and 1960s, though the cooking and selling of Chinese food were dominated by the Chinese, the food became a representative food for eating out for Koreans. By the 1970s, Koreans were the overwhelming majority of customers in Chinese restaurants, and Chinese cuisine became established as a part of Korean food culture. Chinese food was still almost the only item for eating out and the only foreign food, which common Korean people could easily access. They consumed exoticness and convenience through Chinese food. As Korean society became more modernized and globalized, the Koreans demands for food became more varied. In order to satisfy those demands, not only have the restaurants become diversified, serving various ethnic foods, but Chinese restaurants themselves have also been diverged into various styles. In those new styles of Chinese restaurants, people consume modernity, exoticness, and authenticity.
Real-time Detection of Trace Copper in Brain and Kidney of Fish for Medical Diagnosis
양영균,이수영,최달웅,박은철,이승하,유혜수 한국독성학회 2014 Toxicological Research Vol.30 No.4
For the detection of trace copper to be used in medical diagnosis, a sensitivehandmade carbon nanotube paste electrode (PE) was developed using voltammetry. Analytical optimized conditions were found at 0.05 V anodic peak current. In thesame conditions, various common electrodes were compared using strippingvoltammetry, and the PE was found to be more sharply sensitive than other commonelectrodes. At optimum conditions, the working ranges of 3~19 μgL−1 were obtained. The relative standard deviation of 70.0 μgL−1 was determined to be 0.117% (n = 15),and the detection limit (S/N) was found to be 0.6 μgL−1 (9.4 × 10−9 M). The results were applied in detecting copper traces in the kidney and the brain cells of fish.
얻은 자와 잃은 자 : 개혁ㆍ개방시대 중국의 한 농촌마을의 사례 A Case Study of a Chinese Village in the Post-Mao Era
양영균 서울대학교 사회과학연구원 2001 비교문화연구 Vol.7 No.1
This study originates from the question of how individual peasants adapted to the new situations formed by the reform policies in the post-Mao era in China. In order to elicit clear answers, I focus on those who successfully adapted to the new environments(winners), and those who failed to adapt to them, so suffered much(losers) in this study based on the research of a Chinese village. The two categories of people China specialists have interested in are those who newly got wealthy and cadres. Chinese government publicized the cases of those who got rich by introducing new businesses or new ways of doing business for the others to emulate. Accordingly many scholars focused their attention on them, especially the specialized households(專業戶) and the owners of private enterprises. This study shows that there were not a few villagers who made much money in the post-Mao period, thus who could be considered as winners. However, some of them were criticized by other villagers because they used illegal or immoral means to do business. Cadres also became one of the main research targets. There are two, closely related, approaches to the study of cadres. One is what changes occurred to the status, privilege, economic advantages, political power of cadres in the new era. According to my research, even though the new policies provided the village cadres with new resources that could be used for them to maintain power and advantages, their overall power were weakened. The other is how much advantageous the position of cadre was for the former or current in doing business. It turns out that it was not so advantageous. But a few leading village cadres enjoyed considerable amounts of power and advantages, so they could also be considered as winners. At the same time, they were criticized by the villagers because they were considered to enjoy too much economic and political advantages by abusing their positions and rights. While many villagers successfully adapted to the new environment, some villagers failed to adapt to the new age, whom I call losers. There were two groups of people in this category-one was those who failed and lost money in doing business, and the other was those who suffered from extreme poverty and critical diseases. The latter attracts our attention because their sufferings mainly stemmed from the new social welfare policy that imposed the burdens to relieve the sufferings on individual families. As I mentioned above, some villagers got wealthy and a few cadres enjoyed economic and political advantages, all of whom can be considered as winners by the visible standards. I also pointed out the fact that some of them were the objects of villagers' criticism for the illegality or immorality of the ways of doing businesses and enjoying advantages as well as the object of envy. Then, who were the "real winners" of the village in the post-Mao era? My answer is that there were not a real winner in the village yet. No one who became rich and no leading cadres won the villagers' respect, I think, because they did know how to spend their wealth and how to utilize their political resources to command other villagers' respect.