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      • KCI우수등재

        都市計劃樹立上의 問題點과 改善方向

        安泰煥(Ahn Tae-Hwan) 대한국토·도시계획학회 1997 國土計劃 Vol.32 No.3

        This study is intended to analyze the problems of Korean urban planning procedure from the view of strategic planning and suggest its improving directions for the future planning. Analyses of the results of reports and questionnaires for this study showed following suggestions for improved city planning procedure and system. First, participation of the public as well as stakeholder needs to be emphasized. Planning team is needed to lead planning procedure, while communicating with an advisory committee and with public planning officers. The function and competence of urban planning commission need to be strengtened. Activating relevant advisory committees including task force is also important. And preparation for each public hearing also requires more open and carefully. Second, more careful environmental scanning is needed. Changes in the laws and regulations, in the economic conditions, in the directions and aims of upper level planning need to be reflected in establishing plan and public policy. Third, careful selection of planning issues is requested. Clearness, agreeability, importance, and urgentness are the criteria of good issues to be selected. Issues in planning are usually selected by policy decision - makers, staffs and members of planning team. Chair of planning team, especially, needs to have a leading role in selecting issues. Forth, formulating of strategies is need to be limited to a few and partial planning sector. Each strategy needs to be interrelated and hierachically ordered to generate a strong linkage between goals and means. Strategies also need to be appropriate to evaluation criteria. Fifth, activation and implementation of plan are requested. Action plans need to be based on a broad planning process and interconnected to a budgeting system. Continuous interest in performing of plans, provision of social overhead capital, and private investment are also requested for the actualization of city plans. Sixth, a careful monitoring and updating of established plan are required. Preparation of financial resources needs to be checked in advance. Continuous and periodical checking is also requested.

      • KCI등재

        라틴아메리카 좌파정치의 새로운 주체(대중)의 출현

        안태환(Ahn, Tae-Hwan) 한국외국어대학교 중남미연구소 2016 중남미연구 Vol.35 No.1

        본 연구는 라틴아메리카 좌파정치의 변혁을 제도적 또는 이념적으로 접근하는 것이 아니라 1980년대 이후 전개된 신자유주의 정책들로 인해 사회경제적으로 배제된 대중이 베네수엘라의 정치변혁에서 집단적 주체로 출현하였음을 분석하려는 것이다. 그리고 그 출현의 동력이 그들 대중이 가지고 있는 일상적 삶의 방식에 있음을 확인하려고 한다. 자본주의체제 안에 살면서도 항상 그 너머를 지향하는 집단적, 바로크적 에토스가 그 동력이다. 그리고 라틴아메리카 대중과 사회운동의 약 오백년의 위계서열적 억압에서 해방하려는 의지는 라틴아메리카를 ‘라틴’이후의 아메리카로 만들고 있다. 차베스 혁명의 성격과 의미는 매우 복합적인데, 가장 중요한 것은 대중권력의 출현이다. 주민평의회를 제도화시켜 국가와 민주주의의 재구성을 실천하고 있다. 그러나 차베스 혁명세력은 원유에의 지나친 의존과 부정부패 등 취약한 구조를 가지고 있어 최근 2015년 12월의 총선 패배는 예상된 일이었다. 왜냐하면 차베스 생존 시 부터 저명한 좌파학자들로부터 차베스의 권위주의적 리더십과 토론 부재에 대한 비판 또는 경고가 있어 왔기 때문이다. This study aims for approaching to the radical changes of Latin american leftist politics not through the institutional or ideological analysis but showing that those owe to the apparition of people as new collective subjects in Venezuela. And their motors have been the daily collective way of life of people "excluded" by the neoliberal social-economic policies since the 1980s, which is named as baroque ethos. It pushes always toward beyond the capitalism even though living within itself. The latin american people and social movements have the will to accomplish the emancipation from five hundred years of hierarchical oppression. And this will makes Latin America as Post-"latin" America. The political meanings of the Chavez Revolution are very complex but the most important one is the apparition of people and by this apparition of people"s collective power with the presence of Communal Councils, the reconstruction of the state and the democracy is carried away. But the Chavez Revolution has also received from the many leftist academics the criticism in a sense that the leadership of Chavez should have been very authoritarian and absent of internal discussion.

      • KCI등재

        언어,교육 : 칠레 민주연합 정부의 신자유주의 교육 정책방향의 비판적 접근

        안태환 ( Tae Hwan Ahn ) 경희대학교 비교문화연구소 2012 비교문화연구 Vol.29 No.-

        The Chilean educative policies as the Voucher System and the privatization have been almost same from the Pinochet government and the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances" until now. Because the neoliberal regime has dominated principally in Chile the area of the education. In this study first of all I will analyze the procedures of the violent repression of the leftist politicians and the intellectuals of the universities by the Pinochet government. And the importance of the reform of the law of education in 1980 was emphasized and the other one in 1990 one day before the retirement of Pinochet. We can comprehend the fact that the education would have been used as a tool to achieve the development of the country and the economic one sacrificing the public and equalitarian values of the education. And the competence, the efficiency and the quality of the education have been emphasized through the policies as example the rights of the selection of the schools by the parents as like a product in the market. But the result was the enormorors expansion of the private education not only in the secondary schools but also in the universities. And also has been intensified "the segregation and the discrimination" of the students jerarquitized by the different social-economic levels of the parents. The Chilean people including the middle class did not realize rightly the inherent problems of the neoliberal regime having the equivocation as if the private schools should have been better than the public ones. However the high level of the public university education became to be dominated by the acomodated class. This was the cause of the last year`s great scale of the demonstration of the Chilean students. The most important thing is that these matters was agravated not by the Pinochet government but by the ones of "Concertacion" or "Democratic Alliances". Because these governments tried to maintain the neoliberal regime by means of the education only arranging the small problems or contratiempos.

      • KCI등재

        기초생활권계획 수립상의 문제점과 개선방안

        안태환(Ahn, Tae-Hwan) 한국지역개발학회 2010 韓國地域開發學會誌 Vol.22 No.3

        The purpose of this paper is to analyze the problems and the desirable proposals of county(local government) development planning process in terms of the characteristics of strategic planning. This study shows the following suggestions for the county development process. First, top leader of county should have active interest on development planning process and become the strategic leader. Second, top leader or key decision maker should expand the participation of task force team, stakeholder and committee. Third, more objective environmental scanning is needed. Planning team should assess the changes of external and internal conditions with SWOT. It also need to make the task force team or special team identify the problems and solutions of county region. Fourth, top leader should propose the successful vision to induce the support of residents. Fifth, selecting of agreeable strategic issues is required. Planning team especially needs to have a leading role in selecting issues which is clear, critical and consentient. Sixth, a critical, few and suitable strategies should be formulated by planning team. Last, effective implementation is needed. Action plans are needed to be established in detail. Project and budget should be connected. Local governance or partnership are also required for the implementation of plans. Particularly, top leader or planning team should be careful the plan or projects not to be the paper plan.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        라틴아메리카의 근대성, 자본주의 대안적 비판담론 연구

        안태환(Ahn, Tae-Hwan) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2016 코기토 Vol.- No.79

        산토스는 포르투갈의 사회학자이다. 그는 오직 라틴아메리카에서만 실천적 수준에서 신자유주의에 반대하는 반헤게모니 사회운동이 있고 인식론적 수준에서도 근대성과 자본주의에 대한 대안적 비판담론을 내놓고 있음을 강조하고 있다. 그리고 대안적 반 헤게모니 사회운동의 새로운 주체가 엘리트, 정당, 노조가 아니고 신자유주의에 의해 배제된 대중임을 인식하고 있다. 산토스는 현재의 신자유주의를 “사회적 파시즘”체제로 인식하고 있다. 그러므로 급진적 변혁의 실천을 위해서는 신자유주의(자본주의)를 만들어낸 유럽중심적 근대성에 대한 인식론적 전환이 있어야 한다. 그리고 그 역할은 ‘남’의 가난한 대중이 맡을 수밖에 없다고 한다. 이를 위해서 근대적 국가와 의회 민주주의의 재구성이 있어야 하고 근대적 인식론 체계의 사고방식을 미래 지향에서 현재 지향으로 바꾸어 ‘지금 여기’를 두텁게 하고 타자와 연대하여 극단적인 사회적 ‘배제’를 거부하지 않으면 안 된다. 왜냐하면 근대성의 사고방식은 미래를 중시하는 “확장적 이성” 즉, 일직선적 진보를 선험적으로 받아들이는 사고방식이기 때문이다. 마르크스주의와 달리 문화적, 인식론적, 영성적 인식의 변화를 강조하는 것은 벤야민과 비슷하다. 결론적으로 산토스의 대안적 비판담론의 핵심은 “복수의 총체성”의 인정에 있다. Santos is a portuguese sociologist. He realizes that only in Latin America there are the counter hegemonical social movements in the practical level and also in the level of epistemology there are the alternative critical theories on the modernity and the capitalism. He emphasizes the role of the people excluded by the neoliberalism as a new social subject instead of the elites of political parties and labor unions. He calls the neoliberal system as “social fascism”, because it is very barbaric such as the social exclusion. This fascism goes with politically democratic and socially fascist one. And so, it is necessary to turn radically from the euro- centric modernity which made the actual neoliberalism to practice the radical transformation. It means the epistemic turn of modernity. We also must redefine and reshape the democracy and the state. Especially we have to change the modern thinking ways from emphasizing the ‘future’ to thicken the ‘present’ promoting the solidarities with the ‘other’. Because the modern thinking way has ‘proleptic reason’ admitting the predefined progress on a direct line. Santos resembles Walter Benjamin to emphasize the cultural, epistemic and spiritual change different with Marx. The core of the critical theory of Santos is the recognition of “plural totalities”.

      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI등재

        페론체제(1943-1955)와 ‘대중’의 사회적 주체의 출현

        안태환(Tae Hwan Ahn) 부산외국어대학교 중남미지역원 2011 이베로아메리카 Vol.13 No.1

        The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, “the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the ‘Status Quo’ and new order”. This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the ‘people’ in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

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