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안준형 전북대학교 부설법학연구소 2023 법학연구 Vol.71 No.-
Today, Space has become an essential area for the EU to advance its domestic prosperity and strengthen its capacity to secure international influence. Europe, which was expected to secure a wide range of commercial and military benefits through space activities, has competed for independent space development to escape dependence from the U.S. and the former Soviet Union, and now treats space policy and cooperation as an essential factor in planning and determining foreign and security policies. Initially, European space activities were carried out at the individual national level or through intergovernmental organizations such as the European Space Agency (ESA) or the European Organization for the Exploration of Meteorological Satellite (EUMETSAT). However, from the late 1980s, the EU began to play a more active role in shaping and implementing European Space Policy, and by strengthening cooperation with ESA, it laid the foundation for solidifying cooperation between European States. European space cooperation sets a useful precedent in seeking how cooperation in space areas of strategic importance can be achieved among States with diverse geopolitical interests. Therefore, this paper examines how European space cooperation and space activities have historically been conducted, and examines what normative framework these cooperations have been institutionalized within the EU. 오늘날 우주는 EU가 국내적 번영을 앞당기고 국제적 영향력을 확보할 수 있는 역량을 강화하는 데 있어서 필수적인 영역이 되었다. 우주활동을 통해 상업적·군사적 이익을 비롯한 광범위한 이익을 확보할 수 있을 것으로 기대했던 유럽은 일찍이 미국 및 구소련의 의존에서 벗어나기 위해 독자적 우주개발 경쟁에 나섰고, 이제는 외교 및 안보 정책을 기획·결정함에 있어서 우주정책과 우주 관련 분야에서의 협력을 필수적인 요소로 다루고 있다. 초기에 유럽의 우주활동은 개별국가 차원에서 또는 유럽우주청(European Space Agency: ESA)이나 유럽기상위성기구(European Organisation for the Exploitation of Meteorological Satellites: EUMETSAT)와 같은 정부간기구를 통해 수행되었다. 그러나 1980년대 후반부터 EU는 유럽우주정책을 구체화하고 이행하는 데 보다 적극적인 역할을 담당하기 시작했고 ESA와의 협력을 강화함으로써 유럽 국가들 간의 협력을 공고화할 수 있는 기반을 마련하였다. 지정학적으로 다양한 이해관계를 갖는 국가들 사이에서 전략적 중요성을 갖는 우주분야에서의 협력이 어떠한 방식으로 이루어질 수 있는지를 모색하는 데 있어서는 유럽의 우주협력이 유용한 선례가 된다. 이에 본 논문은 역사적으로 유럽의 우주협력과 우주활동이 어떠한 방식으로 이루어져 왔는지를 살펴보고, 이러한 협력이 EU 내에서 어떠한 규범적 틀로 제도화되었는지를 검토한다.
안준형 육군사관학교 화랑대연구소 2013 한국군사학논집 Vol.69 No.3
If a discussion on the problem of the constitution of unification was begun in earnest, it would not be hard to predict that the problems related to the reform of North Korean land ownership system and the processing of former land ownership would become the biggest issue. As one can see, the South and the North have established the extremely heterogeneous land policies through the separate land reforms after the establishment of their respective regimes. North Korea disapproves all of individual ownerships for the means of production including land and only approves the ownerships of the state and cooperative organizations. On the other hand, since South Korea guarantees the ownership of land as a basic individual right by the constitution, ownership disputes as to the confiscated land in North Korea will be inevitably raised even after unification. Therefore, it would be important to plan a new land system by integrating the two legal systems, which were founded based on the different ideologies and systems, for thorough preparation of unification. However, it would be still imperative to resolve the problem about how the land of original owners, whose land was robbed by the land reform, should be processed as the first consideration. The current constitution states the principle of "just compensation" for expropriated land. However, it is directly related to the costs of unification; thus, it would be required to examine whether it would be possible to apply equally such interpretation in the process of unification. The problem related to return or compensation to original owners in regard with the land reform of North Korea after unification will likely have a profound impact on the speed of economic recovery in North Korea and also the social integration of the two Koreas depending on the type of resolution. Being aware of such problem, this study examined North Korea's current legal system for land that was fundamentally different from the land system of South Korea through exploring the process of North Korea's land reform historically (Ⅱ.) and reviewed whether there exists an obligation for compensation by the unified Korea as to the confiscated land of North Korea. On that account, this study aimed to seek an appropriate solution by examining the method, extent and subjects of compensation for confiscated land in connection with the interpretations of Paragraph 3 of Article 23 of the constitution (Ⅲ.).
협력적 위협감소(CTR) 프로그램의 국제법적 쟁점과 과제: 우크라이나 비핵화 사례를 중심으로
안준형 조선대학교 법학연구원 2023 法學論叢 Vol.30 No.1
There are many skepticisms about the prospect of North Korea's denuclearization due to North Korea's strong willingness to possess nuclear weapons and the polarization of the international community. However, the "mission of peaceful unification" stipulated in the preamble of the Republic of Korea's constitution is difficult to make progress without North Korea's denuclearization process. The issue of establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula is inseparable from the issue of North Korea's denuclearization. Therefore, it is necessary to individually review various denuclearization paths that North Korea may take and seek different policy directions suitable for them. To this end, an in-depth review of the state practice that has succeeded in denuclearization is necessary. Among them, Ukraine, which succeeded to nuclear weapons following the dissolution of the former Soviet Union in 1991 and became the world's third-largest nuclear power, has significant implications for North Korea's denuclearization in that it went through denuclearization negotiations in pursuit of security from Russia. Since the cost of denuclearization is considerable, external technical and financial support is also a very important factor in inducing denuclearization to countries with poor economic conditions such as North Korea. In Ukraine, which was in a similar situation, U.S. financial support through the "Cooperative Threat Reduction"(CTR) program had a significant impact on the denuclearization decision. Of course, there are significant differences between North Korea and the former Soviet Union, but the CTR concept could be a powerful tool to support verifiable reductions and dismantlement of North Korea's nuclear weapons and other WMDs and their means of projection. Accordingly, this paper analyzes the international legal implications based on the institutional basis of the Ukrainian CTR program and derives S. Korea's countermeasures.
Treatment of dental implant displacement into the maxillary sinus
안준형,박상훈,한정준,정승곤,국민석,박홍주,오희균 대한악안면성형재건외과학회 2017 Maxillofacial Plastic Reconstructive Surgery Vol.39 No.-
AbstractBackground: Displacement of dental implants into the maxillary sinus is rare, but it primarily occurs in patientswith severe pneumatization of the maxillary sinus and/or deficiency of the alveolar process. Some complicationssuch as the infection of the paranasal sinuses and formation of the oroantral fistula can be followed by thedisplacement of a dental implant. Therefore, the displaced implant has to be removed immediately with surgicalintervention show and another plan for rehabilitation should be considered. Main body: The conventional procedure for the removal of a displaced implant from the maxillary sinus involvessinus bone grafting and new implant placement performed in two or more steps with a significant time gap inbetween. Simplification of these surgical procedures can decrease the treatment duration and patient discomfort. Conclusions: In this review, we discuss the anatomical characteristics of the maxillary sinus and the complicationsassociated with implant displacement into the sinus.
안준형 조선대학교 법학연구원 2022 法學論叢 Vol.29 No.1
On April 2, 2019, foreign ministers of both France and Germany launched an informal consultative body, The Alliance for Multilateralism, to strengthen the rules-based multilateral order. This was not established as an official international organization but was a kind of "network" that helped participating countries sympathize with the basic principles and norms for cooperation flexibly unite according to issues. The Alliance for Multilateralism presented six initiatives at its first meeting in New York on September 26, 2019, and asked for support, including "Call for Action to strengthen respect for international humanitarian law and principled humanitarian action"(hereafter, Call for Humanitarian Action). On the surface, the Call for Humanitarian Action initiative seems to emphasize compliance with existing rules related to international humanitarian law rather than creating new obligations under international law. The endorsement in this is still limited to European countries, but the need to seek a direction for Korea's response is raised in that it forms the core of middle power diplomacy centered on strengthening rules-based order and multilateralism. To this end, it is necessary to examine in-depth whether a more strengthened obligation is imposed in its content and what international legal implications such obligations have for the Republic of Korea. Accordingly, this paper analyzes international legal implications based on the main contents of The Call for Humanitarian Action and derives Korea's response direction. 2019년 4월 2일 프랑스와 독일 양국의 외교부 장관은 규칙에 기반한 다자질서 강화를 위하여 비공식 협의체인 “다자주의 연대”(Alliances for Multilateralism)를 출범시켰다. 이는 공식적인 국제기구로 설립된 것이 아니라, 협력을 위한 기본 원칙과 규범에 공감하는 참여국들이 사안에 따라 유연하게 연합할 수 있도록 돕는 일종의 ‘네트워크’였다. 다자주의 연대는 2019년 9월 26일 뉴욕에서 열린 첫 번째 회의에서 여섯 가지의 이니셔티브를 제시하면서 그에 대한 지지를 요청했는데, 여기에는 “국제인도법 존중 및 원칙에 입각한 인도주의적 활동 강화를 위한 행동 촉구”가 포함되어 있었다. 표면적으로 인도주의적 행동 촉구 이니셔티브는 새로운 국제법상의 의무를 창출한다기보다 기존에 이미 존재하던 국제인도법 관련 규칙의 준수를 강조하는 것으로 보인다. 이에 대한 참여는 아직까지 유럽국가들에 국한되어 있지만, 규칙에 기반한 질서와 다자주의 강화를 중심으로 한 중견국 외교의 핵심을 이루고 있다는 점에서 이에 대한 한국의 대응방향을 모색할 필요성이 제기된다. 이를 위해서는 그 내용에 있어서 보다 강화된 의무가 부과되는 것은 아닌지, 그와 같은 의무가 한국에 어떠한 국제법적 함의를 갖는지를 심층적으로 검토할 필요가 있다. 이에 따라 본고에서는 인도주의적 행동 촉구의 주요 내용을 바탕으로 국제법적 함의를 분석하고 한국의 대응방향을 도출한다.
안준형,Ju-Young Byun,Yong-Beom Shin,김민곤 한국바이오칩학회 2012 BioChip Journal Vol.6 No.2
Single stranded DNA was photo-patterned on a psoralen-functionalized surface and conjugated with a psoralen-modified enzyme. Photoreactions between the single-stranded DNA and psoralen-functionalized materials were found to be significantaly influenced by pH, showing high efficientcy only under acidic conditions. Specifically, the photopattering of single-stranded DNA probes, such as polythymine, polyadenine, polycytosine, and polyguanine, on a psoralen-functionalized amino-dextran surface under various pH conditions (pH 3.36-8.80) showed that the polythymine probes had the highest immobilization efficiency at pH 3.36. The effect of pH was further confirmed by photopatterning the single-stranded DNA probes using the photomask. While almost no pattern was observed on the psoralen surface at pHs greater than 5.5, much more visible patterns were observed as the pH was decreased below 5.5. As a result of the irradiation of polyT15 and polyA15-labeled DNA probes, the photopatterns formed by the irradiation of polythymine probes were found to be associated with the cross-linking between the thymine and the psoralen moieties. Finally, additional studies showed that psoralen could be used as the reactive center in the photo-induced cross-linking reaction between DNA and the model protein, horseradish peroxidase (HRP).
안준형 연세대학교 법학연구원 2024 법학연구 Vol.34 No.3
Advances in cyber technology are making cyberspace the new battlespace, replacing the traditional battlefield. However, the core sources of law governing armed conflict in international humanitarian law - the 1907 Hague Regulation, the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and the 1977 Additional Protocols - were created during the era of warfare with kinetic weapons, so do not explicitly address hostilities in cyberspace. Cyber warfare is a departure from the traditional means and methods of warfare, which are conducted against physical infrastructure on land, sea, and air. The fact that it targets non-physical objectives that exist in the form of data creates significant ambiguity about the applicability of international humanitarian law. As a matter of law, the question of whether and how international humanitarian law applies to “cyber operations” has long been a matter of debate. While the two Tallinn Manuals, published in 2013 and 2017, concluded that international humanitarian law applies in cyberspace during armed conflict, they were criticized for reflecting a Western perspective that excluded Russia and China. At the United Nations level, the issue has also been the subject of ongoing debate. At the UN level, the Group of Government Experts (GGE) was established and operated six times (2004-2021) under the auspices of the UN General Assembly's First Committee, and a separate Open-ended Working Group (OEWG) was established and operated since 2019. While both bodies adopted consensus reports in 2021, they did not make substantive progress on the issue of the application of international humanitarian law to cyber operations. Nevertheless, there is a substantial body of state practice affirming the applicability of international humanitarian law to cyber operations in armed conflict, and there is growing international support for this position. This paper therefore calls for greater clarity on the international humanitarian law governing cyberspace and analyzes in detail the controversial legal issues and disagreements among states on this issue.