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      • 이차원 코드를 위한 이차원 체크섬

        안재원(Jaewon Ahn) 한국정보과학회 2005 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.32 No.2

        체크섬은 에러검출의 우수성 때문에 TCP등에서 널리 사용하고 있다. 이 체크섬 방식은 연산이 간단하고 빠르나, 미검출 에러가 생기는 경우가 있기 때문에 여러 다른 형태의 체크섬 방식등이 연구가 진행되고 있고 각 방식에 성능과 효율면에서 상관관계가 있어 어플리케이션에따라 선택에 어려움이 있는 경우가 있다. 이에 저자는 새로운 개념인 이차원 체크섬이라는 방식을 제안하고자 한다. 알고리즘이 단순하면서도 기존의 체크섬의 미검출 에러의 문제를 현저하게 줄일 수 있고 비용-이득 스펙트럼상에서 매우 효과적이고 효율적이다.

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        기획논문 : 중국의 서학, 유럽의 중국학 ; 쿠플레의 『역경』 이해 -"겸"(謙)괘의 라틴어 번역을 중심으로-

        안재원 ( Jae Won Ahn ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

        In general, this essay is concerned with how to read Confucius Sinarum Philosophus sive Scientia Sinensis(=Confucius). It focused on exploring Couplet`s latin translation of Kien figura and his letter to Louis XIV was a case study of answering the questions: how he understood Ye Kim(易經) and what was the core reason for selecting the Kien figure(謙卦) from the 64 figures. In this regard, I contend that the rex perfectus who was idealized in the Kien figure refers to Louis XIV, comparing Couplet`s latin translation of the Kien figure with his letter to Louis XIV. Doing this, however, I have observed that Confucius Sinarum Philosophus sive Scientia Sinensis is not a mere translation of a Chinese Classical Text but a "curious" text in itself. The latin translation of the Chinese letter Kien (謙) can be an example of this. Surprisingly, it was translated into humanitas which was an essential concept of Cicero`s scholarship. Humanitas in the translated Confucius, however, is not identical to Cicero`s human-itas-idea. Couplet attached the idea of divinitas to Cicero`s humanitas- idea. By attaching this, Couplet tried to persuade Louis XIV to become a modest and obedient King to SUPREMUS DOMINUS, with Confucius as a testimony for his persuasion. With the above discussion, it can be concluded that Confucius could be considered not only to be a philosophus Sinensis but also a philosohphus Latinus. Confucius is, in a way, a "hybrid" text. It is widely recognized that Confucius is a very significant text for studying the encounter - history between the East and the West. In this regard, however, I believe that Confucius urgently requires a new critical edition for a reliable scholarship.

      • KCI등재

        『Parvum Vocabularium Latino-Coreanum(羅鮮小字典)』과 『羅韓辭典』의 학적 가치와 중요성에 대하여

        안재원(Ahn Jaewon),김현권(Kim Hyun-Kwon) 한국사전학회 2006 한국사전학 Vol.- No.7

        In this paper, we have tried to estimate the values of the first two Latin-Korean lexicons 『Parvum Vocabularium Latino-Coreanum(羅鮮小字典)』 and 『Dictionarium Latino-Coreannum(羅韓辭典)』. For this purpose, we have made comparison between these two, from which have resulted the following three points. The first one is that the two lexicons are one of the most valuable historical treasures for Korean Humanities. Because these lexicons contain a lot of important informations which will reveal and demonstrate the process of Korean modernization in its history. In relation to this point, we have made a proposal that the future investigation of this kind of research should not only depend on their linguistic analysis but also on the interdisplinary perspectives, i.e. studies of Korean History, Culture and Sociology. Words and linguistic exspressions contained in the lexicons would reflect a reality of the contemporary Korean world. The second is the observation that the translations of Latin words into Korean are made very systematically. We have observed some regularities by which Latin words are translated into Korean words that mostly consist of two syllables. One can make an assumption about this fact that the systematic translation would not be an accident but a necessary result. As the authors confronted Latin semantic world, for the first time in its history, with Korean one which has very different from the European, we think, the translated Korean words and linguistic exspressions could not be simple literal equivalents. They should have thus necessarily reacted on Latin words with semantic systems, which reflect Latin semantic fields. Finally, we have noticed some very interesting changes of Korean language in the lexicons. The Korean language has much changed, in particular lexically, in the morden period which dates from 1860 to 1945, during which Indo-European languages, included Latin, and texts has been introduced, taught and translated for the first time in its history.

      • KCI등재후보

        아이네아스의 방패에 나타난 세계상(imago mundi)

        안재원(Ahn Jaewon) 한국서양사연구회 2013 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.48

        This paper is concerned with how to read Aeneas’ Shield in Aeneid 8. For this, I have made some comparisons between Virgil and Livy, in order to answer the questions of how did Virgil symbolize Rome as a ruler of the World. In this regard, I have examined how Virgil combined the Roman History with the idea of imago mundi using ekphrasis-technic. According to my examination, imago mundi in Aeneas’ Shield is not just a kind of mappa mundi, but a political Kosmos which as whole was subject to Imperium Romanorum. Historia Romanorum in Aeneas’ Shield also was not an accumulation on old narratives and historical facts of the Roman People, but was designed and organized planfully as a world history on the basis of fatum-concept. Doing this, I have figured out how Virgil prefigured the Roman Empire and how he provided the image of an Emperor to the Roman readers or audiences through the shield-scene. In this regard, what to emphasize is that Virgil was very meticulous and excellent in word selection and architectural organization of space in the Shield. In description of the Roman Republic history, he used intentionally terms which are important ideas for sustaining res publica like fides, justitia, libertas, concordia, etc. For justifying the rule empire, however, he selected some words like pax, bellum, populi, imperium, etc. This is evident in the following: tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento (hae tibi erunt artes), pacique imponere morem, parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. (Aeneis, 6. 851-853)

      • On Regis’ Latin Translation of Y-King

        Ahn, Jaewon(安在源),Moon, Sujeong(文秀貞) 한국중어중문학회 2019 한국중어중문학회 우수논문집 Vol.- No.-

        This paper aims at replying to the question of how did Regis understand and translate and annotate Ye-Kim. Grosso modo, Regis’ understanding of Ye-Kim is characterized with figurism and eclecticism. As for figurism, the paper provided some textual evidences of Bouvet, a founder of the figurism. The paper demonstrated also some testimonies for demonstrating the eclectical feature of Regis’ interpretation. Interestingly to see, this eclectical feature that are observed in Regis’ commentaries requires an urgent but academically strict views.

      • KCI등재

        쿠플레의 『중국인 철학자 공자』의 「서문」 -Natura(性) 개념의 이해 문제를 사례로-

        안재원 ( Jae Won Ahn ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.68 No.-

        In general, this essay is concerned with how to understand Confucius Sinarum Philosophus sive Scientia Sinensis (=Confucius). It focused on exploring the Jesuit`s latin translation of Natura (性) in Confucius, in order to answer the following question: how did European readers understand Confucius in the 18th century. According to my reading, the concept natura (性) is used to have three meanings: (1) pure reason in terms of religio naturalis, (2) primary matter in terms of physica, and (3) providence faculty in terms of Pu-Ju (補儒) doctrine which means that it (sc. Christianity) supplements and perfects what is wanted in our master Confucius and our philosophy and literatures. Based on this, I have made three comparisons between the natura-concept of Confucius and that of Aquinas, Lucretius and stoic philosophers to whom Cicero and Epictetus belong. The result of my comparisons comes to a new fact that the persona moderna of the Enlightenment might be based in part on Confucius` natura- concept and in part on Cicero`s encyclopedic idea of orator perfectus. For this, I compared Cicero`s thought of orator perfectus with Confucius` idea of vir perfectus. As for the question of how to read Confucius, however, Zhang Si-Ping (張西平), a leading scholar in China argues in the following. First, Confucius is to be read in the perspective of Christianity. Second, Confucius is the answer to the ritual discussions in the 17th century. Third, Confucius is a text which takes a critical position on especially Neo- Confucianism. In brief, Zhang concludes that Confucius is a product of misreading and misunderstanding of Chinese classical texts, but a significant contribution for studying the interrelated history of China and Europe. Grosso modo, I agree with Zhang`s arguments. There are, however, three points on which I do not agree. First, Jesuit`s missionaries tried to read Chinese original texts of Confucius in the eye of Christianity. Onthe other hand, however, Confucius is full of termini technici of Stoic philosophy. In this regard, in my opinion, there was no need then to say about PU-JU doctrine additionally by Siu Paulus (徐光啓). Second, Zhang maintains that one has to be cautious in the interpretation of Confucius because it is a metamorphic text. I think, however, the question is how to approach this metamorphic text. For this, Zhang suggests to readers to have some basic understanding of Christianity. In my view, here should be added some profound understanding of western philosophy, particularly of Hellenistic philosophy, because the problems of metamorphosis of Confucius mostly resulted from the so-to-say abutio-problem during borrowing termini from e.g. Cicero`s terms. As for Zhang`s estimation on Confucius, finally, I am not sure whether it is a product of misreading because, according to my keen reading of the Latin original text, Confucius is actually a metamorphosis text in Ovidius` viewpoint but a hybrid text because it allows at least three ways of interpretation. One of them is a reading with help of Chinese original text, e.g., with the Zhu Xi (朱熹) edition. The second of them is a reading through comparison with western classical texts, in order to see how they are different from each other. The last is an independent way of reading from both sides. The conclusionwhich results from this is that we need to regard Confucius not as a translation but as a kind of original text. Therefore, I suggest to read Confucius and to follow some free reading ways of those who did not know anyway but could not learn Chinese Characters in the 17 th -18 th centuries, such as Christian Wolf.

      • KCI등재

        바로(Varro)의 문법론과 소쉬르(Saussure)의 언어학 비교

        안재원(Jaewon Ahn) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.0 No.53

        In this article I have compared Varro"s concept of analogia with that of Saussure. The comparison is summarized as the following: There were two reasons for Varro"s constitution of ars grammatica. One of them was external reason which was related with the corrupted state of Latin language. As for this, what to say is that Latin language was so-called lingua franca which was full of problems of barbarismus and soloecismus. The other of them was internal reason which resulted from the so-called poverty of Latin language. The poverty of Latin language was exposed especially in translations of terms and thoughts of Greek scholarship into Latin language. In order to solve this problem, Varro tried to constitute ars grammatica as institutional system like law. For this, Varro used some terms like populus universus, consuetudo communis, analogia and anomalia. In this paper I have tried to analyze how did these terms work and cooperate together in the constitution of ars grammatica. According to my analysis, Varro"s ars grammatica started from the some socio-linguistic requirement. In relation with this what to mention is that Varro regarded ars grammatica as a social institution. This is evidently exposed by uses of some terms like populus universus and consuetudo communis in the constitution of Latin grammar. This is to be compared with the constitution of law and the systematization of scientia iuris. On the other hand what I would like to emphasize is that Varros ars grammatica is characterized by the morphological paradigm which consists of two elements. One of them is figura. This is to be considered as voice phenomena described and formalized by grammatical rules. The other of them is materia which are morphological terms. In this point what to notice is the separation of the verba (sign, significans) from res (things, significatum). From this what I want to suggest is that Saussure"s idea of sign and language might be oriented from Varro"s thought. In comparison with Varro, Saussure did not treat problems of language from the point of view that language is a kind of social institution but he did concentrate on seeing the nature of language itself and the language as human nature in general perspective. Thus, his concern lies in seeing the function of analogia in the language which does not aim at the constitution of grammar but at the exploration of the nature of human language. On this account Saussure did not begin his so called general linguistics not from the traditional Grammar and thus he has no reason for returning to old Grammar.

      • KCI등재

        자유교양학문(encyclo paedeia)의 형성과 전개

        안재원(Ahn, Jae-won) 한국서양고전학회 2015 西洋古典學硏究 Vol.54 No.2

        이 글은 자유교양학문이 역사적으로 어떻게 형성되었는지를 분석한 것이다. 먼저 자유교양학문이 로마에 어떻게 소개되었고 나중에 어떻게 3학4과로 자리 잡았는지를 살폈다. 다음으로 로마인들이 자유교양학문을 어떤 눈으로 바라보았는지를 분석하였다. 세네카에 따르면, 포세이도니우스가 로마에 전한 encyclo paedeia의 초기 모습은 자유민에게 어울리는 것은 아니었고 생존에 필수적인 지식과 기술을 전하는 정도의 기초교육이었다. 생존을 넘어서서 생활을 위한 교육으로 확대 발전시킨 이가 키케로이다. 인간답게 사는 법을 가르쳐야 한다는 목적을 내걸고 그가 제시한 것이 바로 humanitas 프로그램이었다. 세네카는 키케로보다 한 걸음 더 나아간다. 키케로가 인문학의 방법으로 권장하는 책읽기를 통해서 획득한 박학다식을 자랑하는 교양 정도로는 안 된다는 것이 세네카의 생각이었기 때문이다. 세네카는 아는 것보다 실천하는 것에 방점을 찍는다. 실천과 이를 위한 비판정신이 세네카가 말하는 자유민에게 어울리는 덕성이었기에. 이와 같은 논의와 반성을 거치면서 자유교양학문은 제 모습을 갖추어 나갔다. 따라서 인문학과 교양교육은 로마 시대에 이미 생존에 요청되는 기초기술을 전하는 심급 너머에 자리매김 되었던 무엇이었다. 그 무엇은 단순하게 생존하는 법을 넘어선 지평에서 성립하는 생활의 재미와 삶의 의미를 즐기고 만드는 법을 교육하는 것을 목적으로 설정했기 때문이다. 키케로가 encyclo paedeia를 확대·발전시키고 그것을 ‘인문학’이라 부르고, 세네카가 ‘자유민에게 어울리는 교육’을 강조할 수밖에 없었던 것도 바로 이 목적 때문이었다. The purpose of this paper is to examine how liberal arts were developed in Rome. Firstly it argues when, how, and by whom liberal arts were introduced to Rome. Secondly, it explains the process in which liberal arts were settled as septem artes. Thirdly, it observes how the Romans valued liberal arts. For this, the paper read Cicero and Seneca focusing on their difference. According to Seneca, it was Poseidonius who introduced liberal arts to Rome with the title of encyclo paedeia for the first time. They were considered to be necessary skills for surviving. Thus, Cicero tried to innovate encyclo paedeia by calling them humanitas. It’s goal is to give instruction of how to live humanly. For instance, reading is an important skill serving for that purpose and Seneca made a severe criticism on teachers who misused liberal arts for making money. From this, it is certain that liberal arts were designed not to help how to find a job but to teach how to live humanly.

      • KCI등재

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