미·북관계의 전개 : 쟁점과 전망 Issues and Prospects

안병준 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.1

U.S.-North Korean relations are turning from confrontation to normalization after the end of the Cold War. Now that the Soviet Union is gone and the Cold War over, North Korea is no longer a direct threat to the U.S.. On the other hand, the U.S. has become the only superpower that can ensure the survival and development of North Korea. The overall direction of U.S.-North Korean relations will develop toward normalization but when and how this will be realized will be subject to constraints of North-South Korean relations and U.S.-North Korean relations. As of October 1997. they are at the stage of opening their bilateral negotiation. Whether they will go beyond this level will depends on how North Korea undergoes under Kim Jong 11 who has just assumed the post relationship with South Korea. Major issues at stake in these relations include the Geneva Framework Agreement, negotiation on missile and U.S. soldiers missed in action. establishing liaison offices, and resuming four-party of North-South Korean and U.S.-South Korean relations is the most thorny issue of all the North's refusal to talk with the South while trying to negotiate a peace agreement with the U.S. ostensibly to replace the armistice has been the most important obstacle to improving U.S. relations with the North. North Korea has succeeded in improving its relations with the U.S. by resorting to a diplomacy of brinkmanship especially in dealing with nuclear issues so that the U.S. can ensure its survival and legitimacy. The U.S. in turn, has come to negotiate with the North to achieve global nuclear nonproliferation and some results in missile exports and MIA issues. Since these enabled the North to negotiate with the U.S. while refusing to do so with the South, North-South Korean relations have worsened. The prospects for U.S.-North Korean relations will depend on what change takes place in the North and in North-South Korean relations in the years to come. In order for the U.S. and South Korea to facilitate U.S.-North Korean relations in harmony and in parallel with North-South Korean relations. they must sustain their common agenda for the peace and unification process by redefining their bilateral alliance against war into a regional alliance for unification in the peninsula and stability in Northeast Asia. To do so, they also need to build public support and to engage China in the process.

구소련해체후 미중관계와 향후전망

안병준 한국전략문제연구소 1997 전략연구 Vol.4 No.1

After communism and the Cold War ended in 1989 and the Soviet Union itself collapsed in 1991, Sino-American relations began to be strained and eventually came to a confrontation in the Taiwan Strait in March 1996. Why did the Sino-American rapprochement reached in the 1970's and 1980's turn into confrontation? How did this change take place and what have been the most salient issues in dispute? And what are the prospects for their resolution? How these issues will impact on the Korean peninsula and what should South Korea be doing about them? These are some of the questions this study is addressing here. The fundamental reason why Sino-American detente has turned into confrontation is that their common enemy has disappeared since the Soviet Union demised. Now that they have no longer a strategic adversary, their bilateral relations are bound to reflect demands of their domestic politics and events of power rivalry. As a results of conflicts between a pluralist political system and a communist one party dictatorship, and between the only super power and a rising new power, Sino-American relations have contained more conflicts and confrontation. Further exacerbating these conflicts is weak leadership and the rise of democratization and independence movements in Taiwan. Sino-American relations have to be redefined in this changing internal and external situation by exploring areas of common interests. Details of these issues will be analyzed below. For better understanding, several core contents are summarized here : First, Sino-American relations began to sour when the U.S. launched its criticism of the human rights situation in China after Beijing cracked down on the democratization movement during the Tienanmen incident while Mikhail Gorvachev was visiting China in June 1989. But they really came to a confrontation When Washington issues a visit to President Li Denghui in June 1995. Second, differences over such issues as human rights, trade, nonprolifer-ation and Taiwan deepened. Further reinforcing them was fact that the military was rising in profile in China, that the Republican Party controlled the Congress, and that the Kuomintang government in Taiwan was seeking independence and international recognition by all means at its disposal. Much more important was the change that the U.S as the only superpower was defending the status quo while China as a rising power was challenging the U.S. led world order. There has been no consensus about the proper role of China in the international system that is undergoing profound transformation. Third, the prospects for Sino-American relations depend on what kinds of change take place in China's domestic and foreign policy. As of now two diverging imperatives are emerging. Political imperatives are working toward sovereignty, nationalism and balance power but economic imperatives are working toward reform, opening and interdependence. Suppose that the military prevails in upholding political imperatives while enhancing military power and economic growth, the communist one party system will reveal hegemonism in its foreign policy. In contrast, if a basic transformation is accomplished in China by undertaking democratization and privatization, such reformed and open system may well accommodate some form of multi-lateral security talks or a concert of powers by cooperating with the U.S. on regional and bilateral issues. Or China can sustain an authoritarian system involving a one party regime and an market economy, her foreign policy will reveal continuing efforts at balance of power to play off one power against the other in the ancient tradition of "using barbarians to control barbarians." Given the current trend that China basically subscribes to realism and has a great deal of suspicions about the U.S., the third scenario is highly likely to take place. In this case, Sino-American relations are destined to have conflicts and cooperation depending on issues and personalities. Fourth, from the standpoint of South Korea, better Sino-American relations are in the interest of peace and stability, and unification on the Korean peninsula.. While coordinating their respective policies toward China, South Korea needs to develop its independent bilateral relations by promoting military, security, economic dialogues and cooperation with China so that China can be engaged in the peace and the unification process. It is important for Koreans to correctly understand the dynamics of Sino-American and Sino-Korean relations as far as the peninsula is concerned. More than anything else, we should have realistic and strategic perspectives in coordinating our policies. South Korea shares more security and political interests with the U.S. On the other hand, China's cooperation is crucial in achieving peace and stability, and eventual unification. It is unrealistic for South Korea to practice "an equidistance diplomacy" or mediation between the U.S. and China. What we can do realistically is to build bridges and confidence by first maintaining a regional alliance with the U.S. for unification and stability while trying to minimize China's opposition and negative act. It is time for us to make serious efforts to formulate a national strategy towards these goals and to implement a proactive diplomacy to achieve them.

마늘의 營養學的 硏究

안병준 成均館大學校 家政大學 家庭管理學科 1976 家庭管理硏究 Vol.3 No.-

제 3 회 신약개발 연구발표회 초록집 ( 1994 . 4 . 15 ~ 16 ) : 포스터발표 제 1 분과 ( 합성 , 천연물 ) ; 항암성 후라보노이드의 합성

안병준,송규용 한국응용약물학회 1994 학술대회 Vol.1994 No.1

韓半島에 있어서 軍備統制와 信賴構築措置의 諸 爭點

安秉俊 한국전략문제연구소 1994 한국전략문제연구소 연구보고서 Vol.- No.-

退行性膝關節炎의 蜂藥鍼 治療 效果

안병준,김경태,강미숙,송호섭 대한침구의학회 2006 대한침구의학회지 Vol.23 No.4

Objectives : This study was to evaluate the effect of Bee venom-Acupuncture on knee joint with osteoarthritis. Methods : We investigated 30 cases of patients with osteoarthritis of knee joint. We flip a coin and divide into two groups. Bee venom-Acupuncture was performed at one group, and the other group didn't do it. We evaluated the treatment effect of each group by using the WOMAC score. Results : 1. As a result of evaluation by using the WOMAC, the score after treatment was marked higher than that before treatment within each group. 2. After treatment, Bee venom-Acupuncture group showed significant difference on WOMAC score compared with acupuncture group. Conclusion : These results suggested that Bee venom-Acupuncture treatment should be more effective in the patient with osteoarthritis of knee joint.

양이온 교환된 펜타실 제올라이트의 형상 선택적 촉매작용

안병준,황병우,전학제,Byoung Joon Ahn,Byung Woo Hwang,Hakze Chon 대한화학회 1984 대한화학회지 Vol.28 No.1

에탄올의 톨루엔에 대한 반응과 방향족 화합물들의 양이온 교환된 펜타실 제올라이트에서의 형상 선택적 촉매작용이 조사되었다. 톨루엔의 에탄올에 의한 알킬화 반응은 $400^{\circ}C$에서 최대가 되고 톨루엔의 동종간 주고 받기 반응에 의한 크실렌 생성은 반응온도에 따라 증가한다. 세슘이온이 교환된 ZSM-5에서 p-에틸톨루엔에 대한 높은 선택성이 나타나고 세슘 교환도에 따라 90% 이상까지 증가한다. 또한 세슘-ZSM-5는 p-크실렌에 대한 m-크실렌의 흡착속도를 감소시킨다. 이러한 현상은 펜타실 제올라이트에 교환된 세슘 이온이 부분적으로 세공을 막아주므로서 나타나는 형상 선택성으로 해석된다. The reaction of toluene with ethanol was studied over various cation-exchanged pentasil zeolite catalysts. The toluene disproportionation reaction to produce xylenes increased with increasing reaction temperature and the activity of alkylation of toluene with ethanol showed maximum at around $400^{\circ}C$. Only Cs-ZSM-5 catalyst showed pronounced p-ethyltoluene selectivity increasing to 96% with increasing degree of Cs-exchange. The sorption rate of m-xylene was lower for Cs-exchanged ZSM-5 than H-ZSM-5 catalyst. These phenomena were interpreted in terms of shape selectivity arising from the partial blocking of channel intersections by large cesium ions.

지방자치의 문제와 과제

안병준 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2000 동서연구 Vol.12 No.1

이 글은 한국지방자치가 당면한 문제점들과 앞으로 해결해야 할 과제들을 분석하기 위하여 씌어졌다. 구체적으로 이 글에서 저자는 지방정부가 겪고 있는 국책사업과의 갈등, 법제정, 인사 및 치안에서 갖는 제약, 행정구역간의 중복 및 혼란, 지방공무원의 능력부족, 그리고 외국과의 고립 등을 문제점으로 지적했다. 이들을 해결하기 위해서는 지방과 중앙간에 균형된 관계를 정립하고 법으로 현안, 재정, 조직 및 전문화 및 외교 면에서 자립도를 높여가야 할 것이다. 저자는 무엇보다도 시민사회가 활성화하여 시민들의 자치하려는 의지와 능력을 확보할 때 지방자치가 발전 될 것임을 강조했다.

마이크로소프트 DRM 솔루션 소개

안병준 한국콘텐츠학회 2003 한국콘텐츠학회 종합학술대회 논문집 Vol.1 No.2

蘇聯의 亞細亞進出과 美·日·中의 對蘇軍事 協力의 可能性과 意味

安秉俊 연세대학교 행정대학원 1981 延世行政論叢 Vol.8 No.-