心構造上에 있어서의 정신병리 계층 및 수행론 관찰

원광대학교 종교심성연구반 圓光大學校 圓佛敎學硏究會 1990 圓佛敎學硏究 Vol.20 No.-

EU 난민정책의 회원국 국내법에 대한 영향: 프랑스 사례연구

심성은 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2019 통합유럽연구 Vol.10 No.2

France is considered as a country which is ready to accept immigrants and refugees, taking the lead of the ‘European relocation scheme’ with Germany during refugee crisis in 2015. Yet, proportions of the number of annual immigrant influx and first application for refugee status in total French population don’t reach the average of 32 European countries, including 28 Member states of the EU. French Refugee policy was considerably influenced since 2000s by the Common European Asylum System which made the Member States of the EU modify and amend their national law. This paper aims at searching for the impact of European refugee policy on French national law. Firstly, European refugee policies, such as Asylum procedures Directive, Reception Conditions Directive, Refugee qualification Directive, Dublin Regulation, EURODAC and financial assistance, are analysed. Then, Asylum procedures Directive and French national law, modified by this Directive, are compared and analyzed in order to know if French refugee law is more generous or more rigorous than European refugee policy. Findings are that French refugee laws are modified in confirmity with Asylum procedures Directive and more generous than European refugee policies.

EU의 MENA에 대한 협력제고 전략: MENA 국가에 대한 EU 제재와 ODA

심성은 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2020 통합유럽연구 Vol.11 No.3

The 1994 Euro-Mediterranean partnership and the 2004 European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) may testify to the EU’s efforts to intensify cooperative relationship with MENA countries. By the way, political science literature has failed so far to identify the motivations which lie in such diplomatic steps. This paper aims to analyze the different interests which the EU has in its relationship with MENA countries by dividing them into two groups : (1) MENA countries sanctioned only by the EU, not in line with the UN’s sanctions, such as Egypt, Tunisia, and Turkey, (2) while another group of MENA countries like Iran, Libya, and Syria, commonly have experienced sanctions from both the EU and the UN. One of my findings is that political situation in the countries of the first group was not so much serious than those in the countries of the second group. Another finding is that the EU’s autonomous sanctions on the first group have been executed at a lower level than the two-party sanctions on the second group. It is also noteworthy that EU’s economic relations, such as ODA, FDI and trade balance, with Egypt, Tunisia and Turkey, were intensified after putting into effect of autonomous sanctions. This research arrives at conclusion that EU makes the best use of its economic and political measures – ODA, FDI and sanctions- in order to strengthen its relationship with targeted countries in which EU has an important interests.

APCVD법에 위해 제조된 $\alpha$-$Fa_{2}O_{3}/SnO_{2}$계 박막의 가연성 가스 감지 특성 평가

심성은,이세훈,최성철 한국결정성장학회 2000 한국결정성장학회지 Vol.10 No.2

The $\alpha$-$Fa_{2}O_{3}/SnO_{2}$ thin film gas sensor was fabricated by APCVD and heat treated. The gas sensitivity to flammable gases ($CH_4$, $H_2$, LPG) was measured. This device was to heat treatment at $400^{\circ}C$, $450^{\circ}C$, $500^{\circ}C$, $550^{\circ}C$, $600^{\circ}C$ for 2 h to enhance the gas sensitivity. The heat treated device at $500^{\circ}C$ for 2 h had the best properties and especially it shows high sensitivity to H2 gas. The sensitivity to gases was studied in the temperature range from lOoC to $300^{\circ}C$ in order to find the optimum detection temperature. In the range of detection from 500 ppm to 10,000 ppm at $175^{\circ}C$ the fabricated device showed that the gas sensitivity to $H_2$ was from 62%~76% and to $CH_4$ was from 16 %~58% and to LPG was from 8%~37 %. The sensitivity difference between heat treated device and as fabricated one was about 10 8 The long-term stability to LPG at 1,000 ppm was converged to sensitivity of 30 %.

학교 시민교육과 민주주의 - 유럽 사례 연구 -

심성은 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2021 통합유럽연구 Vol.12 No.2

European countries which have the most developed citizenship education(CE) have promoted this system in order to reconcile radical cultural, religious, political and social differences and establish common identity as citizen of a country. It should be noted that CE at school leads children and adolescents to become ideal citizens in a way what a country or a government hopes. However, it can not be denied that there are different CE systems between the Southwestern Europe with advanced democratic regime and Eastern Europe which recently experienced political changes. This paper aims to observe the differences of CE in 42 European countries and to see if there is a correlation between their CE system and democracy development. Are analyzed periods of CE curricula as compulsory separate subject and subject integrated into other compulsory subjects, using data of a report about national curricula for primary and general secondary education(ISCED 1-3) of 2016/2017 of 42 countries, published by Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency―a branch agency of the European Commission. Proportion of the period of CE curriculum in the whole period of ISCED 1-3, categorization of 42 countries by region, and their democracy index are studied as well. First finding is that many countries prefer to run CE curriculum as subject integrated into other compulsory subjects instead of CE curriculum as compulsory separate subject. Period of CE curriculum implemented as subject integrated into other compulsory subjects is about 4.3 times longer than that of subject integrated into other compulsory subjects. Second finding is that Eastern European countries which implement during the longest period the CE as compulsory separate subject have the lowest democracy index whileas northwestern European ones which implement during the longest period the CE as subject integrated into other compulsory ones have the highest democracy index. This research shows that the CE is indirectly taught in advanced democratic countries where their governments do not have a direct impact on the CE curriculum.

2019년 유럽의회 선거결과에 대한 고찰 :유럽의회의 극단화와 파편화에 대한 요인 분석

심성은 법과사회이론학회 2019 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.61

The European Parliament(EP) Elections, held from 23 to 26 May 2019, produced results, different from those of previous European elections, in terms of turnout and proportions of main and small-medium political groups. Firstly, turnout of the European elections increased for the first time since the first European election, implemented in 1979, and reached the highest record since 1999. Secondly, main political parties, including EPP and S&D, lost significant seats again. Thirdly, Renew Europe, the third political group of the EP, and small parties, e.g. far-right parties and Green parties, increased their importance. This paper aims at analyzing social and economic factors which influenced voter turnout and changes in proportion of main and small-medium political groups. Taking GDP growth rate, unemployment rate, risk of poverty rate as economic factors and annual influx of immigration rate, education level, age as social ones, multiple regression was used for this analysis. The first finding is that the higher voter turnout of Member states of the EU, the lower immigration rate, age and education factors. Secondly, the proportion of main groups have negative correlation with that of Green parties and positive correlation with immigration rate. Thirdly, proportion of far-right parties have positive correlation with populist parties and unemployment rate changes, while they have negative correlation with GDP growth rate. Fourthly, the Greens have the same patterns with far-right parties in terms of GDP growth rate and unemployment rate. Yet, they obtained less seats in the countries where the second party got higher proportion of seats. In brief, this paper shows that, on the one hand, voter turnout and proportion of main parties were more influenced by social factors, and that, on the other hand, proportions of far-right parties and the Greens have solid correlations with economic factors. 2019년 유럽의회 선거는 투표율 상승과 주요정당 및 군소정당 의석 비중 변화 등에서 기존 선거와 차이를 보였다. 첫째, 투표율은 1979년 유럽의회 직선 첫 도입 지속적으로 하락세를 보였으나, 2019년 선거 때 처음으로 반등해 1999년 이래 최고 투표율을 기록했다. 둘째, 유럽인민당그룹(EPP)와 사회민주그룹(S&D) 등 주요정당의 비중은 1990년대 말부터 계속 하락세를 보이고 있으며, 이번 선거 때 하락폭이 더욱 커졌다. 셋째, 제3정당 지위를 유지하던 리뉴 유럽(Renew Europe)과 군소정당인 극우정당과 녹색당은 의석 비중이 높아졌다. 본 논문은 투표율과 유럽의회 정치그룹들의 의석비율 변화를 살펴보고, 그 변화에 대한 사회・경제적 요인이 무엇인지 살펴보는 데 목적을 둔다. 종속변수는 투표율, 주요정당 및 극우정당, 녹색당의 의석비율, 독립변수로는 28개 회원국의 GDP 성장률과 실업률, 위험빈곤율 등 경제적 요인과 연간 이민자 유입비율, 교육 수준, 연령 등 사회적 요인을 포함했다. 본 분석은 다중회귀분석으로 진행되었다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 2019년 유럽선거의 투표율은 이민자 비율과 양의 상관관계를 보였으며, 투표율 상승폭은 이민자 비율과 65세 이상의 고령층 비율, 20-24세의 고학력 비율과는 음의 상관관계가 있었다. 둘째, 주요정당의 의석비율은 녹색당 의석비율과는 음의 상관관계를, 이민자 비율과는 양의 상관관계를 보였다. 셋째, 극우정당은 포퓰리스트 정당의 의석비율과 실업률 변동율이 커질수록, 그리고 GDP 성장률이 낮을수록 의석수가 높아지는 경향이 있었다. 마지막으로 녹색당은 제2정당 의석비율과 GDP 성장률이 낮을수록, 실업률이 적게 하락할수록 의석 비중이 높아지는 추세를 보였다. 요컨대 2019년 유럽선거에서 투표율과 주요정당 의석 비중에는 이민자, 연령, 교육 등 사회적 요인이, 극우정당과 녹색당 등 군소정당과는 경제적 요인이 더 큰 영향을 미쳤음을 알 수 있다.

옵트아웃은 영국의 브렉시트를 촉발했는가?: 옵트아웃의 법적, 정치적 의의

심성은 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2024 통합유럽연구 Vol.15 No.3

2020년 1월, 영국의 EU 탈퇴는 이민자 증가와 고용 시장 및 임금에 미치는 영향, 국가 정체성과 EU 회원국 간의 충돌, 정치 엘리트에 대한 불만과 같은 사회경제적 요인과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 제도적으로는 EU 내에서 특정 정책에 대한 참여를 거부할 수 있는 옵트아웃 제도가 브렉시트를 촉진한 제도적 요인으로 작용하였다고 볼 수 있다. EU의 옵트아웃은 솅겐협정, 경제화폐동맹(EMU), 「EU 기본권 헌장」, 자유·안전·사법지대(AFSJ)의 네 분야에 대하여 실행되고 있으며, 과거 영국을 포함하여 덴마크, 아일랜드, 폴란드가 도입한 제도이다. 일부 학자들은 옵트아웃 제도가 유럽통합의 저해 요소가 되었다고 주장하지만, 다른 한편에서는 ‘차별화된 유럽통합’을 통하여 통합을 가속화시키는 요소가 되었다고 언급하고 있다. 본 연구는 옵트아웃 제도가 유럽 회의주의 심화와 영국의 브렉시트를 촉발한 유인책이 되었다고 보고, 옵트아웃의 EU법 무력화와 반(反)유럽통합적 정치적 도구로서의 역할을 검토해 보고자 한다. 1992년 마스트리히트 조약 이후 영국은 EMU, AFSJ, 「EU 기본권 헌장」, 솅겐협정에 대하여 옵트아웃을 실시하였다. 그 결과 영국의 옵트아웃이 법적으로는 자국 내뿐만 아니라 EU법의 일관성을 저해하는 결과를 가져왔으며, 정치적으로는 자국 내 유럽 회의주의자들에 대한 유화책이자 영국 시민들의 정치적 불만을 완화시키는 도구로 활용되었다.

EU의 송환지침과 프랑스 및 독일의 이민법 개정

심성은 한국유럽학회 2016 유럽연구 Vol.34 No.2

The immigration policy, considered as one of major common policy of the European Union since the Schengen Acquis and the Treaty of Maastricht, was reinforced by the Return Directive adopted on 16 December 2008. The voluntary departure, the entry ban, the detention for the purpose of removal, the removal and the detention of minors are the most important parts of this Directive. But it was criticized by reason of the risk of the violation of human rights and fundamental rights of the illegal immigrants. After the revision of the immigration law of the Member states, imposed by the Directive, the differences are still observed in the national laws on illegal immigrants of the Member States. The CESEDA of France took relatively moderate measures after the revision, while the Aufenthaltsgesetz of Germany kept taking strong measures against the illegal immigrants. The different attitudes of two countries came non only from the rapid increase and the high rate of the foreigners in the German population, but also from restrictive and exclusive immigration policy of the German Government. The conflicts among the national law and the EU Directive were adjusted by the Court of Justice of the European Union. 이민 관련 공동 정책은 쉥겐 협약과 마스트리히트 조약으로 EU 공동 문제가 되었으며, 2008년의 ‘불법체류자 본국송환에 관한 송환지침’으로 더욱 강화되었다. 송환지침의주 내용은 자발적 출국 유예기간, 재입국 금지, 유치 조치, 미성년 불법체류자 포함여부문제 등으로, 일부 조항에 대해 불법체류자의 인권 침해 가능성이 제기되었다. 송환지침에 따른 관련 국내법의 개정 이후 프랑스는 기존 법률에 비해 강경한 정책을 취하게 되었지만, 여전히 다른 회원국에 비해 불법체류자에 대해 우호적인 태도를 취했다. 반면독일은 국내법 개정 이후에도 강경한 정책을 견지했는데, 이는 독일이 인구수 대비 외국인 비율이 높은 국가로 전통적으로 국적법 등을 통해 배타적인 이민정책을 실행해 왔으며, 송환지침에 의한 독일의 체류법 개정은 이러한 기존 정책을 그대로 따른 것이라할 수 있다. 개정 완료 후 유럽법원은 일부 회원국의 행정당국에 시정을 명령함으로써EU법과 국내법 간 충돌을 감소시켰다.

코로나19는 여당 지지율을 상승시켰는가?: 팬데믹의 유럽 정당 지지율에 대한 영향

심성은 서강대학교 유로메나연구소 2023 통합유럽연구 Vol.14 No.3

During the pandemic period, the world underwent significant changes not only in health and economic fields, but also in political ones. European politics also saw substantial changes in supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. However, in exceptional situations like COVID-19, supporting rates for parties might be influenced more by the crisis itself than by party policies or economic performance. This paper aims to identify the key factors that contributed to the changes of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties during the two waves of COVID-19 in 2020. A multiple regression analysis was conducted, with the dependent variable of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties of 30 European countries, including EU member states(excluding Cyprus), Iceland, Norway, the UK, and Scotland, during the first wave, period of pause, and second wave of COVID-19. The independent variables are supporting rates for other parties, health factors such as COVID-19 casualties and confirmed cases, economic factors like GDP growth rate, inflation, total income, and 23 government-imposed lockdown measures of 30 European countries. The analysis revealed following findings. First, the human casualties of COVID-19 did not directly impact supporting rates of parties. The number of deaths per million was only positively correlated with an increase in support for the ruling party during the second wave, likely due to a rallying effect as the pandemic resurged. Second, among the lockdown measures, bans on outdoor activities, restaurant closures, and workplace shutdowns had an impact on the support rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. Countries that imposed outdoor activity bans for a longer duration experienced a decrease in support for the ruling parties, while far-right and main opposition parties’ supporting rates tended to increase. Third, economic factors continued to influence party support during the pandemic. Countries with higher GDP growth rates, higher total income, and lower unemployment rates during the first and second waves maintained higher supporting rates for the ruling parties. Additionally, during the second wave, countries with rapidly rising unemployment rates had higher supporting rates for far-right parties and the main opposition parties. Through this analysis, it became evident that supporting rates for parties in 30 European countries were influenced more by government-imposed lockdown measures and economic factors than by the direct impact of COVID-19 casualties during the pandemic spread.

노란 조끼 시위의 동인과 특징에 대한 고찰

심성은 한국의회발전연구회 2019 의정연구 Vol.25 No.1