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송준서 서울대학교 러시아연구소 1998 러시아연구 Vol.8 No.1
Vera Dunham argues that, after World War II, the Stalin regime made a 'Big Deal', an alliance with the managerial-professional social groups, such as engineers, administrators, and managers in order to get help from them to restore the prewar economic pace and the devastated country. The regime provided them with various material privileges, i.e., housing, consumer goods, luxuries and leisure time. Besides obtaining help for rebuilding the country, the Stalin regime was able to secure political support from those privileged groups by offering those privileges. Dunham defines the interchange of the material incentives, and the support to the regime, as the 'Big Deal'. In fact, however, the 'Big Deal' did not emerge in the 1940s ; rather, it was already formed in the early 1930s in the process of industrialization. The Stalin regime urgently needed the labor force to carry out industrialization. Thus, the regime had to mobilize not only the mass of the working class, especially industrial workers, but also the technical intelligentsia. However, it would be difficult for the regime to mobilize the workers, who lived under deteriorated living conditions, and the technical intelligentsia, who were attacked by specialist-baiting during the First-Five Year Plan. In addition, the leveling wage system contributed to the high rates of labor turnover. In these circumstances, it would have been impossible for the regime to mobilize the worker and the technical intelligentsia without offering any 'carrot'. In 1931, by introducing the piece-rate system and by offering monetary and material privileges to those two social groups, the Stalin regime was able to mobilize them into the process of industrialization. In this context, the 'Big Deal' was already formed in the early 1930s. Unlike Leon Trotsky, Milovan Djilas, and Donald Filtzer's argument, besides the Soviet elite, the workers was also a counterpart of the regime's alliance and one of the main beneficiaries, rather than victim of the regime's industrialization policy. Although only the shock workers and the Stakhanovites were able to enjoy various privileges among the workers, the opportunity for joining those two privileged groups was open to the entire working class during the 1930s. In this sense, it is quite plausible to consider the workers as the object of the 'Big Deal' during this period. The result of the Stalin regime's mobilization policy was relatively successful because the regime was able to encourage the masses of the workers to participate in 'socialist competition' by offering material and monetary incentives. Additionally, the policy of offering privileges contributed to changing the privileged workers attitudes and behavior. The increased social status of the leading Stakhanovites led them to aspire toward cultured values and behavior that they did not have. However, the Stalin regime's alliance with the workers could not continue beyond the 1930s because the problem of labor quality began to be exposed in the late 1930s. Although some leading Stakhanovites were promoted into higher positions in industry, they could not substitute for the role of the technical intelligentsia. Also, they had to overcome cultural deficits as illiteracy. Finally, only the technical intelligentsia was able to remain as the partner of the Stalin regime alliance throughout the 1940s.
송준서 한국노어노문학회 2011 노어노문학 Vol.23 No.3
본고에서는 지난 20년간 탈소비에트 과정에서 프스코프 지역의 역사적 인물 올가 공후의 지역 상징으로서의 부상에 대해 살펴봄으로써 러시아 지방 엘리트들이 새로운 지역 상징을 이용해 어떻게 지역 정체성을 구축해 가고 있는지 고찰하였다. 올가 공후는 러시아 지도자 중 처음으로 기독교를 수용한 인물로 사후 러시아 정교회에 의해 최초의 여성 성인으로 시성된 인물이다. 프스코프 지역 엘리트들은 1990년대 초부터 올가의 고향 마을 복원은 물론 소비에트 시기 반종교정책의 일환으로 파괴되었던 올가 예배당을 재건하는데 주도적 역할을 함으로써 프스코프에서 올가에 대한 기억을 부활시켜왔다. 올가의 부활은 지역 엘리트들의 관심뿐만 아니라 외부, 특히 '중앙'으로부터의 관심과 지원으로 더 공고히 되었다. 정교를러시아 국가 통합 도구로 사용하려는 정치적 의도를 지닌 정부와 교회는 프스코프에 올가 동상의 설립을 적극 지원하였으며 올가 공후를 전러시아의 상징으로도 선전하였다. 이는 지방의 새로운 상징이 중앙의 이해관계와 일치할 경우 중앙이 지방의 상징을 선전하는데 에 적극 지원하고 있음을 보여준다. 이 외에도 종종 올가를 인용하여 정치적 메시지를 발표하는 지방 정치인들의 수사(修辭) 또한 프스코프 주민들이 올가 공후를 지역의 상징으로 인식하게 만듦으로써 지역 정체성 형성에 기여하고 있다. This paper examines the ways that local elites of Pskov have established a new local identity by using local symbols during the last twenty years of the Post-Soviet era. Considering the resurgence of the Russian Orthodox Church and its increasing role in social, cultural, and political spheres in contemporary Russia, the city of Pskov is worthy of attention. Pskov, one of the ancient cities mentioned in the oldest chronicle, is the hometown for Princess Olga, who was the first among the ruling group of Kievan Rus to convert to Christianity, In addition, she was the first woman to be sainted by the Russian Orthodox Church in Russian history. The local elite of Pskov, including employees of local museums, began their activity of rehabilitating historical symbols and memories related to Princess Olga in the early 1990s. They erected a memorial cross for Olga, organized tours to Vybuty, Olga's hometown located near Pskov, restored Olga's birthplace, and reconstructed the Chapel of Princess Olga, which had been demolished during the anti-religious campaign of the early 1960s. The restoration of the local symbol was not always forged by the initiation of the local elites, but by that of "outsiders," especially the central government. When the rehabilitation of local symbols fit the political goals of the central government, the center provided local elites with support for the revival of the symbol. The appearance of Princess Olga as a key symbol of Pskov in the public sphere, such as in streets, Parks and even the official rhetoric of local political and religious leaders, helped local people identify themselves in more religious and historical ways.