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Android Network Packet Monitoring & Analysis Using Wireshark and Debookee
송미화 한국인터넷방송통신학회 2016 International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting an Vol.8 No.4
Recently, mobile traffic has increased tremendously due to the deployment of smart devices such as smartphones and smart tablets. Android is the world’s most powerful mobile platform in smartphone. The Android operating system provide seamless access to many applications and access to the Internet. It would involve network packet sharing communicated over the network. Network packet contains a lot of useful information about network activity that can be used as a description of the general network behaviours. To study what is the behaviours of the network packet, an effective tools such as network packet analyzers software used by network administrators to capture and analyze the network information. In this research, more understanding about network information in live network packet captured from Android smartphone is the target and identify the best network analyzer software.
송미화 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2023 민족문화논총 Vol.84 No.-
이 연구는 유천(柳川) 이만규가(李晩煃家)의 ‘혼례홀기(婚禮笏記)’가 하계마을에서 어떻게 시행되고 계승되었는지 살펴보는데 그 목적이 있다. 먼저 하계마을에서 혼례를 올리기 전 ‘혼례를 전제로 하는 관례’의 시행을 살펴보고, 이만규가에 전해진 ‘혼례홀기’가 하계마을에서 어떻게 계승되고 시행되었는지향산집과 향산일기, 유천집, 유천가에 전해지는 문서, 구술 자료를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 하계마을은 이황의 후손이 400여년을 살아오면서 이황의 학문을 가장 전형적으로 계승 발전시켜 나간 곳이다. ‘혼례홀기’에는 신랑과 신부의 서는 위치를 ‘서서위동향립(壻西位東向立), 부동위서향립(婦東位西向立)’이라고 기록하였다. 이것은 신랑이 서쪽에 서고, 신부가 동쪽에 서는 ‘서서부동(壻西婦東)’ 을 말한다. 성리대전 「가례」에 기록된 혼례의 동뢰연에서 신랑과 신부의 위치인 ‘서동부서(壻東婦西)’와 다르다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 이황이 활동한 시기인 16세기 후반에서 17세기 전반은 성리학적 사회관습이 수용되면서 사회 구조가 변화하는 시기이다. 특히 이 시기에는 주희의 가례에 입각한 각종 예제가 사족들을 중심으로 빠르게 정착된 시기였다. 이황은 아들 이준에게 손자 안도가 관례를 올렸다는 것을 서신으로 알렸다. 이 시기에 유자(儒者)들은 주자의 가례에서 표명한 바와 같이 15~20세에 관례를올린 다음 스승의 문하로 나아가 1년 이상, 혹은 평균 3년 이상 학문을 연마한다음 혼례를 거행한 경우가 많았다. 18세기 중반부터 20세기 초반에 시행된 관례는 독립된 의례가 아닌 혼례의준비 과정으로 축소되는 경향이 나타나고 있다. 이것은 ‘입지를 위한 관례’로서의 독자적 위상을 지니고 있었던 관례의 의미가 약화되었다고 볼 수 있다. 기록과 문서, 그리고 문집과 구술 자료를 통해 1810년경부터 1960년대까지 하계마을에서 ‘혼례를 전제로 하는 관례’를 올린 세대는 50세대 가운데 12세대, 14회였다. 하계마을 이황의 후손들은 이황의 손자 안도에 이어 1960년대까지정혼을 한 다음 관례를 올리는 전통을 이어왔다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이휘연의 관례(1810년 추정)로 부터 이동후의 관례(1962년)는 19세기에서20세기 전반에 해당되는 시기에 시행되었다. 이 시기는 일제강점기라는 민족적인 수난을 겪으면서 신분제 사회의 변동과 함께 유교적 전통사회가 해체되는 시기였다. 하계마을에서 근대화・산업화・도시화라는 사회적 격변기에도불구하고 ‘혼례를 전제로 하는 관례’의 전통을 이어오고 있었다는데 의의가있다. 구술자의 기억에 의하면 하계마을에서는 1955년에서 1962년까지 전통혼례를 올린 세대는 50세대 가운데 17세대이고 그 가운데 이만규가 ‘혼례홀기’ 를 사용한 경우는 7세대 12회였다. 이만규가에서 소장하고 있는 ‘혼례홀기’를빌려서 창홀을 하였다고 한다. 1962년까지 조사된 것은 그 당시 유행하던 신식결혼식으로 인해 마을에서전통혼례가 예식장 혼례로 바뀌었고 1976년 안동댐 수몰로 인해 마을이 해체되었기 때문이다. 이만규의 현손인 이동후는 혼례를 올리기 한달 전 관례를올리고 영주에 사는 봉화 금정자와 혼인하였다. 이날 이만규가 ‘혼례홀기’를사용하였다. 도산전서에 기록된 ‘혼례홀기’는 이안도와 이야순이 남긴 기록처럼 선조의 뜻에 따라 이만규가에 전해지고 있으며 그의 현손 이동후를 통해이어지고 있다. The purpose of this study is to examine how the 'Hongryeholgi’ of the Yucheon Lee Man-gyu family was implemented and inherited in Hagye Village. First of all, we looked at the implementation of the ‘Gwallye on the premise of marriage’ before holding a wedding ceremony in Hagye Village and We looked at how the "Hongryeholgi" handed down to Lee Man-gyu family was inherited and implemented in Hagye Village, focusing on "Hyangsanjip," "Hyangsan Ilgi," "Yucheonjip," and documents and oral materials handed down to Lee Man-gyu family. Hagye Village is the most typical place where Yi Hwang's descendants have inherited and developed Yi Hwang's studies for 400 years. In <Hongryeholgi>, which is included in Dosanjeonseo, the standing position of a bride and a groom in a wedding ceremony was stated as seoseowi-donghyang’rip (壻西位東向立) and budong’wi-seohyang’rip (婦 東位西向立). Such arrangements indicate seoseo-budong (壻西婦東), where the groom stands to the west and the bride stands to the east. These positions differ from the positions of a bride and a groom in dongroe’yeon (seodong-buseo (壻東婦西)) recorded in Garye of Seongri-daejeon. From the late 16th century to the early 17th century, the era when Lee Hwang actively developed his scholarship, the social structure was being transformed with the acceptance of Neo-Confucian social customs. In particular, various ceremonies based on Zhu Xi's Garye were quickly being accommodated primarily by aristocrats during this period. Lee Hwang informed his son Lee Jun by a letter that his grandson An-do celebrated the coming-of-age ceremony (gwanrye). During this period, Confucian scholars, a s expressed in Zhu Xi's Garye, held a ceremony at the age of 15 to 20, then went to the teacher's school and studied for more than one year, or more than three years on average, and then held a wedding ceremony. The customs implemented from the mid-18th century to the early 20th century tend to be reduced to the preparation process for the wedding rather than an independent ceremony. This can be seen as a weakening of the meaning of Gwanrye that had an independent status as 'Gwallye for a position'. According to records and documents, as well as anthologies and oral data, from around 1810 to the 1960s, 12 out of 50 households, 14 generations, raised the ‘Gwallye on the premise of marriage’ in Hagye Village. It can be confirmed that the descendants of Lee Hwang of Hagye Village continued the tradition of betrothal marriage followed by Lee Hwang's grandson Ando until the 1960s. The period from Lee Hui-yeon's Gwanrye (estimated in 1810) to Lee Dong-hu's Gwanrye (1962) corresponds to the period from the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century. This period was a time when Confucian traditional society was disbanded along with changes in the status system society during the national hardship of the Japanese colonial period. Despite major changes in modernization, industrialization, and urbanization, it is meaningful that the tradition of "conventional practice on the premise of marriage" has been continued in summer villages. According to the narrator's memory, among the 50 generations in Hagye Village, 17 generations had traditional weddings from 1955 to 1962, and among them, 'Hongryeholgi ' 12 times in 7 generations. It is said that the window hall was borrowed from the ‘Hongryeholgi’ owned by the Lee Man-gyu family. The investigation until 1962 is because the traditional wedding ceremony in the village changed to a wedding ceremony in the wedding hall due to the new wedding ceremony that was popular at the time, and the village was disbanded due to the submersion of the Andong Dam in 1976. Lee Man-gyu's great-great-grandson, Lee Dong-hu, held gwanrye a month before the wedding ceremony and married Bonghwa Geumjeongja, who lived in Yeongju. On this day, ‘Hongryeholgi’ was used. The tradition of ‘wedding holgi’ has been handed down...
가트먼 부부치료와 정서중심 부부치료에 대한 비교 및 이혼 전 상담에서의 통합적 적용 가능성에 대한 연구
송미화,전영주 한국가족치료학회 2013 가족과 가족치료 Vol.21 No.3
Objectives: This study compared the diverse treatment elements of Gottman's couple therapy and Emotion Focused Couple Therapy. Methods: The researchers applied the treatment elements of the two approaches to divorce therapy, based on a literature review provided by RISS and videos relevant to the two models. Results: Several similar factors were identified between the two models, including their integrative viewpoint, theoretical background, perspective on the role of emotion, marriage development, therapeutic process, contents, and cultural applicability. The researchers identified different perspectives between the two models in terms of the hierarchy of emotion, assessment and feedback tools, assessment areas, therapeutic goal, treatment process, treatment duration, decisive interventions, and role of therapists. Conclusions: Based on the results, the researchers suggest the possibility of combining the two models through an integrated model of divorce therapy composed of five stages: assessment and diagnosis, emotional expressions and their adaptation, decision-making and target-setting, treatment and commitment, and closing. 본 연구는 최근 부부치료분야에서 높은 관심을 받고 있는 가트먼 부부치료와 정서중심 부부치료의 공통점과 차이점을 비교하고, 이혼 전 상담과정에서 두 모델의 통합적 적용 가능성에 대해 탐색하였다. 두 부부치료모델에 대한 비교를 위해 한국교육학술정보원(RISS)이 제공하는 2004년 이후의 관련전공 학위논문, 전문학술지논문, 치료매뉴얼 및 저서 개관을 토대로 문헌고찰을 하였고, 워크숍 비디오와 교육방송의 프로그램 영상 등을 검토하였다. 두 모델을 비교한 결과, 첫째, 두 모델 모두 통합적 관점을 지향한다는 점 외에도, 정서의 역할에 대한 관점, 부부발달, 치료과정과 내용, 그리고 우리 문화에서의 적용 가능성 등에서 공통점이 발견되었다. 그러나 정서서열에 대한 관점, 사정 및 피드백 도구, 사정영역, 치료목표, 치료과정, 결정적 개입, 그리고 종결단계에서의 치료자 역할 등에서는 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 이혼 전 상담과정에서 두 모델의 통합적 적용 가능성을 모색해 본 결과, 사정단계, 내면정서표현 및 수용단계, 의사결정 및 목표설정단계, 치료 및 개입단계, 그리고 공고화 및 종결단계 등에서 각각 통합될 수 있는 요소가 있었다. 사정단계와 치료 및 개입단계에서는 주로 가트먼 부부치료모델의 치료요소들이 적용되었고, 내면정서표현 및 수용단계와 공고화 및 종결단계에서는 정서중심 부부치료모델의 요소들이 주로 적용되었다. 가트먼 부부치료모델과 정서중심 부부치료모델을 절충 또는 통합적으로 적용할 때 부부의 인지․행동․정서영역에서 긍정적인 변화를 촉진할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 두 모델의 다양한 치료적 요소들이 이혼 전 상담에 적용될 때 치료적 효과를 극대화하는 것이 가능할 것으로 생각된다.
봉화 금정자 혼례연구 -퇴계가(退溪家)에 전해지는 혼례홀기를 중심으로-
송미화 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2021 민족문화논총 Vol.79 No.-
The purpose of this study is to find the origin of "Korean Wedding" with a focus on the wedding of Geum Jeong-ja of Bonghwa Geum family that held a wedding according to Honryeholgi transmitted in the Toigye family. For this purpose, the investigator tried to demonstrate that Honryeholgi, which was published in Dosanjeonseo before the death of Toigye, had been handed down by the descendents of Toigye. The eldest son of Toigye's eldest son, Lee An-do(Mongjae, 1541~1584) stated in Toigyeeonhaengrok that a granddaughter of Toigye followed the old decorum and held a Yegyeon ritual between the bride and groom when she got married in 1567. In his letter to Kim Jong-deok about 200 years later, Lee Ya-sun(Gwangroi, 1751~1831), a ninth generation descendent of Toigye, said that his family followed the Seoseobudong rule to position the bride and groom. The rule was followed properly according to one's circumstances during the reign of King Seonjo, and his family believed that the old intention was reflected in it and made sure that it was followed. "Seoseobudong" was also recorded in the Holgi used for the wedding of Lee Man-gyu(Yucheon, 1845~1920), a 12th generation descendent of Toigye, in 1860. It was used by his descendent Lee Dong-hu for the wedding of Geum Jeong-ja of Bonghwa in 1962. It was also found that the descendents of the Jinseong Lee family in Hagye-ri, Dosan-myeon also followed the Holgi for their weddings until 1962. The study compared Honryeholgi transmitted by the Toigye family with that used in "Joseon Wedding" and found the most obvious difference in the positions of the bride and groom. The Toigye family inherited female-centric "Seoseobudong" under the influence of Toigye's viewpoint of marriage, which asked the families of the bride and groom to discuss together within the scope of courtesy, handle things in a harmonious and rational way, and respect each other. That is, it reflects the perceptions of Toigye that kept the female-centric wedding, which was a unique wedding practice to Korea. "Joseon Wedding" is a form of wedding implemented since middle Joseon under the influence of Garye. It moved Dongroiyeon to Daerye horizontally for Chinyeong in "Zhu Xi Wedding." "Korean Wedding" transmitted in Toigye's family is, on the other hand, a form of wedding that has continued the tradition of a female-centric wedding, a unique convention to Korea since ancient times.
송미화,박동균,이영호 대한의사협회 2012 대한의사협회지 Vol.55 No.8
Clinical professionals gain new information to assist in patient care when they read the medical literature. Similarly, in clinical preventive medicine, medical science documents that have previously published can be searched and evaluated in order to confirm the scientific support for the clinical preventive medical service offered in order to prevent chronic disease. This paper introduces the medical informatics techniques for knowledge extraction that can become the basis for clinical practice. Particularly, it discusses the clinical document retrieval and knowledge discovery tools that can search for extracting the knowledge which the medical expert desires with data mining techniques. For example, Clinical medical personnel and medical researchers can locate the information from the latest literature rapidly or find and evaluate the scientific basis for the treatment and prevention of infection. This study can be used when they analyze the correlation between accumulated and different type of data and contributes to the detection of new knowledge. Recently, the concern about the visualization of massive data and information is high as the importance of big data has received greater attention. Contributions to this technique and decision support tools will increase gradually due to the way support for decision-making through scientific evidence for the pattern changing disease is evaluated or as one of the clinical practice guidelines is accepted.
송미화,홍가경,최창민,Song, Mi-Hwa,Hong, Ka-Kyung,Choi, Chang-Min 대한한방부인과학회 2017 大韓韓方婦人科學會誌 Vol.18 No.4
Objectives: The purpose of this systematic review was to overview and evaluate the effectiveness of acupoint catgut embedding for climacteric hot flush. Methods: We searched articles from CNKI, Pubmed CENTRAL, Koreantk, Oasis online databases. After searching the articles, we performed quality assessment using Cochrane risk of bias (RoB) tools. Results: Among the 20 articles were searched, one radomized controlled clinical trial (RCT) was selected. 1 Study showed that Acupoint catgut embedding treatment has significant effect on climacteric hot flush in terms of the effectiveness rate. Conclusions: This study found encouraging but limited evidence of aupoint catgut embedding theragpy for climacteric hot flush.
송미화 대동철학회 2019 大同哲學 Vol.89 No.-
의례 중에서도 관례(冠禮)는 전통 유교 문화의 ‘성인식’(成人式)이다. 성인식은 그 문화가 ‘성인’에게 부여하는 사회적 조건들이 함축되어 있다. 즉 ‘성인’이라는 의미의 사회적 조건은 성인식을 통해 형식화된 문화양식으로 표출된다. 그러므로 성인식의 의미와 전통을 제대로 이해하면 어떤 사회가 성인에게 기대하는 소망과 요구를 파악하게 될 것이다. 이러한 의미에서 관례가 지니는 문화적 의미가 무엇인지를 밝히는 작업은 상당히 중요한 의의가 있다. 특히 우리나라는 조선시대에 이르러 유교사회가 요구하는 가장 바람직한 인간을 만들어내기 위한 교육적 도구로서, 그리고 자녀의 입지(立志)를 위한 의례로서 관례를 중시했다. 관례는 일정한 형식을 통해 성인으로서의 행동규범을 일러주고 다짐하는 절차이며, 참석한 사람들로부터 성인으로서 또 사회구성원으로서 완전한 자격을 공식적으로 인정받는 의례이다. 그러므로 관례의 절차는 그 자체로 중요한 의미와 상징을 갖는데, 그 중에서도 본명을 대신하여 지어주는 자(字)와 그 의미를 설명하는 자설(字說)의 현대적 의의가 크다. 특히 ‘자설’은 훌륭한 인성을 갖춘 성인이 되기 위해 명심하고 실천해야 할 인생의 지표를 제시하는 것이기에 인성교육으로 활용할 수 있는 가능성이 매우 높다.‘자’와 ‘자설’을 통해 한 집안, 한 사회의 구성원으로서 일생동안 명심하고 지켜가야 할 가치와 규범을 일러주고 성인다운 마음가짐을 당부한다면 청소년들이 자신의 삶의 목표를 수립하고 자아정체감을 확립할 수 있는 좋은 계기가 될 수 있다. Guanrye, amongst rites, is a coming-of-age ceremony of traditional Confucian culture. Social conditions a certain culture attributes to an 'adult' are implied in coming-of-age ceremony. Therefore, social conditions of being an adult are expressed as a formalized culture pattern through coming-of-age ceremony. If you fully understand the meaning of coming-of-age ceremony and tradition, you can see the desires and demands a certain society expects from an adult. In such sense, it is very important to study social definition that Guanrye carries. Especially in Korea, during the Joseon Dynasty era, Guanrye was highly regarded as an educational tool to make a desirable human being demanded by Confucian society, and as a rite for children's determination. Guanrye is a procedure to suggest and resolve the code of conduct as an adult through certain formality ,and is a rite to be publicly approved as an adult and as a member of society by participants of the ceremony. Therefore, the procedure of Guanrye has important meaning and symbolism. Out of all, courtesy names given and the definition of the name have great modern significance. Especially, since a definition of courtesy name suggests direction in life which one needs to keep in mind and practice to be a man of upright character, it is highly likely to be used for education of character. If we could suggest values and standards to be kept as a member of family and society through courtesy name and the definition of the name, and suggest mindset as an adult, it would be a great opportunity for the youth to set their goals in life and establish their ego-identity.