한국철도공사화의 전망과 과제

손장훈 한국공기업학회 1995 공기업논총 Vol.7 No.1

鐵道旅客運送서비스의 現況과 課題

孫章熏 철도전문대학교 1996 論文集 Vol.12 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to examine problems of KNR's passenger services through the analysis of its present situation. The major points proposed in my paper can be summarized as follows. (1) To establish railroad service concept. (2) To shorten total travel time by dint of the increase of train speed. (3) To increase the number of operations and the customer convenience. (4) And to level up train user's coif portability.

日本國有鐵道(公社)의 民營化 背景에 關한 硏究

孫章薰 철도전문대학교 1985 論文集 Vol.6 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the backgrounds of privatization for the JAR and to shed some light to increase understanding of the management and the operations of the Korea National Railroad through the Japanese experience. The Major factors promoting the privatization of the JNR can be summarized as follows: (1) The management and the operation system of The JAR have not been well adapted to the requirements of dynamic and competitive situation of transportation market. as a result, the operation efficiency has been continuously reduced and the net earnings have been worsened. (2) There have been so many inefficiencies in the system. among them, the single most important one is lack of autonomy. In the every aspect of formulation and operation of its budget, and most of all management matters(e.g., setting wage level for employee), The JNR are subject to severe scrutiny and control by various related government ministries and the Rational Diet. This lack of autonomy has been a serious deterring factor for efficient and profitable management of the JNR. (3) Another serious inefficiency in the system which could not be neglected came from lack of "profit motive" from most of all employee from top level managers to lower level workers. They think and be-have as the way that the JNR will never be out of business because it is protected by public purse.

高速버스 選好要因과 鐵道의 對應 方向

孫章熏 철도전문대학교 1984 論文集 Vol.5 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to make some policy recommendations to increase competitiveness of the Korean railroad through analysis of factors affecting preference fur express bus. The major policy directions of this paper can be summarized as follows: (1) to increase transportation frequency in the Seoul-Pusan line, (2) to speed the train up in the Hunan line, (3) to rationalize passenger fares system, (4) to effectuate the use of advertisement, (5) to improve on services to railroad customers, and (6) to increase the customers' confidence in Korean railroad operation.

日本國鐵(JNR)民營化의 經驗과 韓國鐵道에의 敎訓

孫章薰 철도전문대학교 1997 論文集 Vol.13 No.1

I believe that the most important lesson to be learned from the JNR experience in privatization can be summarized as following: 1) Clearly the successful implementation of privatization program depends upon strong and political leadership. Any regulatory reform is not easily sold to the people. Because the values and rights associated the issues are different and easily manipulated by special interests of various groups involved such as labor union, managerial officials, government officials, and politicians, etc. In the case of JNR privatization the commitment of the Prime Minister has been crucial for getting popular support for the program that is both complex and vulnerable to attack from special interest groups. 2) In nearly two decades, privatization has come from nowhere to emerge as one of the most significant economic principles of the present age. It has transformed old-fashioned loss-making state operations just as the case of JNR, turning them into profitable, vigorous, and customer-responsive enterprises. However privatization is more than just an economic problem, requiring a political solution. It would not be led by economic logic alone, by an understanding of what institutional reforms were practical politically and would be necessary to produce solutions that would last. 3) If you privatize your industries in the right way, you could get astonishing results. By separating industries and services from state-owned firms, you can reform the incentive structure so that you bid up service quality and competitiveness, and keep prices down. We can observe the same results in the JNR case. 4) Privatization is that it has made industries private. As private industries, they escape from political control and can take sensible commercial decisions for themselves and the benefits of their workers and customers. Although the successful implementation of privatization program is not easy, the benefit seems outweigh the costs. The JNR case shows a good example.

中華人民共和國 建國 初期 城市기층 사회의 정치적 청산: 上海市 里弄의 사례를 중심으로

손장훈 고려대학교 역사연구소 2022 사총 Vol.106 No.-

Chinese Communist Party (hereafter CCP) began rectification project right after establishment of People’s Republic of China (hereafter PRC). During Korean War, suppressing counter-revolutionaries[zhenfan] was carried out in Shanghai neighborhoods. The main project in the campaign was accusation meeting. The goal of accusation meeting in neighborhood was to remove mass’s fear about counter-revolutionaries. Cadres in neighborhood visited every households to persuade them to accuse counter-revolutionaries. And accusation meeting was thoroughly designed to arouse rage against suspect. In 1954, another rectification[zhengdun] was undertaken in Shanghai neighborhood. During Zhengdun, main targets[zhongdianfenzi] resisted against party-state. They, who learned that CCP had induced residents to come forward as informants or accuser in zhenfan, warned their neighbors not to cooperate with party-state. Work team sent by people’s government tried to confront with the resistance through strategy of paternalism. For the targets with lesser charge, the punishment was exempted and the exemption was announced in public. This ‘generosity’, one of the main political strategy of CCP, could be used in 1954 rectification in general because it accused far broader and minor political crime than counter-revolutionary activities. 중화인민공화국 건국 이후 중국공산당은 도시 사회에서 정치적 청산 작업을 수행했다. 한국 전쟁을 전후하여 上海市 기층 里弄에서는 반혁명분자 숙청을 위한 대중운동으로 진압반혁명[鎭反]이 전개되었다. 이 진반의 핵심은 반혁명분자를 규탄하는 공소대회였으며, 공소대회의 목적은 반혁명분자들에게 주민들이 품고 있는 두려움을 해소하는 것이었다. 상해시 기층에서 진반을 책임지고 있는 숙반위원회 구성원들은 개별적으로 주민들을 방문하여 그들이 고발에 나서도록 설득했다. 공소대회는 그 내용은 물론 식순과 의식까지 세밀하게 기획되었으며 상해시 정부는 그 과정에서 진반을 책임진 리농의 간부들에게 세부적인 지도방침을 하달해주었다. 1954년 리농에서 또 다른 정치적 숙청 작업인 整頓이 진행되었는데 당-정부는 이 때 표적인 重點分子들의 저항에 직면했다. 진반 운동을 경험하며 자신들을 공격할 당국의 전략을 숙지한 중점분자들은 당-정부가 주로 의존하는 정권의 동조자[積極分子]들을 회유하고 위협했다. 이에 맞서 당-정부는 적극분자들을 보호하는 대신 관용의 전략을 동원해 중점분자들을 분열시키고자 했다. 당-정부가 리농에 파견한 공작대는 자백해온 중점분자들의 죄를 사면해주었고 이 용서의 현장을 대중에게 공개했다. 이 전략은 정돈이 앞선 진압 반혁명 운동과 다르게 사소한 부정 행위 및 정치적 오류마저 단속 대상으로 삼았기 때문에 사용할 수 있었으며 따라서 1954년 정돈만의 고유한 특징으로 볼 수 있다.

中華人民共和國 初期 도시의 公共衛生과 國家-社會 관계― 上海市 里弄을 중심으로

손장훈 도시사학회 2023 도시연구 Vol.- No.32

In 1950s, Sanitation of city was under party-state’s control. Municipal government and Chinese Communist Part(hereafter CCP) thoroughly grasped and control Shanghai neighborhood by mobilizing mass for urban sanitation. At 1952, Patriotic Health Pledge successfully consolidate regime. Party-state collected information of each household and found politically loyal civilian while taking pledge from neighborhood residents. In late 1950s, sanitary projects in Shanghai neighborhood also contribute to politics of party-state rather than local sanitation. However, it should be noticed that shifting responsibility of urban sanitation on neighborhood society was also occurred in 1950s. Work team which planned and led all the sanitation projects during mass mobilization was composed by neighborhood residents. Sanitary measures were also made and conducted by the residents. After collectivization begun, neighborhood community fund and operated all the sanitary organizations in local society. In grassroots sanitation, neighborhood exercised certain leadership as party-state wanted to convert sanitary work as daily one. It also owed to centralized minimalism, the Chinese tradition to give certain kind of responsibility and power to local society. 1950년대 上海市의 도시 위생은 당-국가의 강력한 주도 아래 관리되었다. 中國共産黨과 市 人民政府는 대중운동을 통해 도시 위생의 관리에 인민들을 동원했고 그 과정에서 스스로의 정치적 목적을 충족시키고자 했다. 1952년 애국위생운동을 진행하며 상해시 당국은 기층 里弄의 주민들에게 애국위생공약을 받아 주민 사회를 관리하는 당의 조칙 체계를 정비하고 각 가정 별 상황을 자세하게 파악했으며 당국의 조치에 적극적으로 호응해주는 사람들을 발굴했다. 1956년부터 제사해운동도 지역 위생보다 대약진이라는 당-국가의 당면한 목표를 위한 대중운동이었다. 그러나 상술한 모습 외에 1950년대 당-국가가 기층 지역 사회로 위생 업무라는 부담을 전가하려는 경향 역시 존재하였음에 주목해야 한다. 위생을 위한 대중운동이 전개되었을 때 이를 감독하고 지도하는 공작대의 경우 리농에서 자체적으로 조성하였다. 대중운동으로 위생을 관리하는 구체적인 방식 역시 각 리농이 자체적으로 고안해 실행하였으며 1956년 이후 리농에서 위생을 전담하는 조직들은 지역 공동체가 그 운영 비용을 전담했다. 이런 모습들은 도시 기층사회에서 위생의 유지 및 관리에 대한 책임을 국가가 사회로 전가하는 과정으로 해석할 수 있다. 그 근저에는 항시적인 관리가 필요하다는 도시 위생의 성격 이외에 중앙집권체제 속에서도 지역 사무를 일정 부분 지역 사회에 맡기는 중국의 전통적인 중앙집권적 최소주의가 있었다.

日本 國有鐵道의 財政赤字 要因 分析 : 鐵道部門을 中心으로

孫章熏 철도전문대학교 1983 論文集 Vol.4 No.1

中華人民共和國 建國 初期 실업자 대책 연구-上海市 사례를 중심으로-

손장훈 고려대학교 역사연구소 2023 사총 Vol.109 No.-

The article examines how unemployment policy had been implemented in Shanghai to demonstrate state-society relationship of People’s Republic of China(hereafter PRC). Serious unemployment rate of Shanghai was urgent matter for party-state to cope with. Besides providing unemployment aid, Shanghai Municipal government attracted the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. It demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. The government‘s measures were based on Shanghai people’s inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. However, Shanghai municipal government had demanded ‘employment by oneself[zixing jiuye]’ since 1954 that unemployee should found a job without party-state’s assistance. Many reasons such as excessive demand of unemployee or reduction of employment made party-state encourage ‘employment by oneself’. Party-State used elaborate propaganda of ‘employment by oneself’. Elaborate contents, style and tone was used to recommend ‘employment by oneself’. It shed new light on state-society relationship in early PRC. Even though previous studies depicted totalitarian state and obedient society, ‘employment by oneself’ suggested other possibility ; autonomous society and dependent state. 본고는 上海市의 실업자 대책에 대한 분석을 통해 건국 초기 중화인민공화국의 국가-사회 관계를 규명하고자 하였다. 건국 직후 상해시 당-정부는 심각한 실업 문제에 다양한 방식으로 대처했다. 실업자에게 구제금을 지급하는 한편, 취업 알선을 유인책으로 삼아 실업자들을 주민 자치 조직의 간부로 임직시켰다. 상해시 당국은 시민들의 강력한 취업 욕구를 이용해 실업자들을 인력 부족에 시달리는 자치 조직의 구성원으로 보충한 것이다. 하지만 상해시 정부는 1954년부터 실업 문제의 해결에 있어 실업자들 스스로의 능동성과 적극성을 요구하며 개개인의 힘으로 취업하라는 ‘자행취업(自行就業)’을 강조하기 시작했다. 이는 실업자들의 구직에 대한 지나친 요구 사항, 기업과 공장의 고용 인원 감축 등의 다양한 요소가 작용한 결과였는데 당국은 세밀한 방식으로 자행 취업을 선전했다. 자행취업을 실업자들에게 선전할 때는 사용하는 언어, 표현방식, 내용, 시범 사례까지 구체적인 기준을 갖추어 선택했다. 실업 문제를 해결하기 위해 자행 취업을 독려하고 이를 위해 정교한 기술을 동원했다는 사실은 중화인민공화국의 국가-사회 관계에 대한 새로운 해석을 가능하게 한다. 중화인민공화국 黨-政府와 중국 사회의 관계는 일반적으로 국가에 의한 사회의 철저한 조직과 통제로 해석된다. 그러나 상해시 당국이 구직 책임을 실업자들에게 스스로 부담하라고 권고했다는 사실은 1950년대 중국 사회에 스스로의 이익을 추구할 수 있는 여지와 역량이 마련되어 있었으며 국가가 부담을 경감시키기 위해 여기에 의존하려고 했음을 시사하는 것이다.

建國初期 新中國의 工作隊와 그 政治活動 ― 上海市의 工作隊를 中心으로 ―

손장훈 동양사학회 2024 東洋史學硏究 Vol.167 No.-

Work team, traditional mechanism of Chinese Communist Party’s(hereafter CCP) politics, is inseparable from mass line. Work team functioned as ‘transmission belt’ of party-state, encouraging people’s political participation. During Chinese revolution, red army employed work team and the team proved how useful it is. As the result, CCP actively used work team as key tool for mass movement. Among contemporary China’s work team, the team organized for Land Reform has been highlighted. Work team in rural area of early 1950s was more powerful than any other governmental organs and local authorities in land reform. Although it hinders stabilization of state system, the work team in countryside was loyal ‘trans mission belt’ of party-state. On the other hand, it was clear that urban work team had different characteristic when focusing on the Shanghai case. Work team in 1950’s Shanghai had its own view about mass movement and did not respect party-state enough. For instance, in re-election of Shanghai neighborhood leadership, work team had its own nominee and put them into resident’s committee even if they were not someone that party-state wanted. Also in other works such as rectifying street vendors or labor-employment campaign, they did not do what party-state wanted but stick to what they believe. It shape the new picture of state-society relationship in early PRC that work team and party-state had different opinion with mass movement. So called transmission belt between CCP and Chinese was not so loyal and could distort party-state’s original intent.