영시 정형율의 제약들 - Iambic을 중심으로 -

손일권,Sohn Ilkwon 대한음성학회 2001 말소리 Vol.42 No.-

This study is on the constraints of English Poetic Meter. In English poems, the metrical pattern doesn't always match the linguistic stress on the lines. These mismatches are found differently among the poets. The peaks mismatched with the weak metrical position are divided into the two ways according as they are adjacent to the boundary of a phonological domain or not. PAF and $^*UV$] are suggested for the mismatched peak which are not adjacent to the boundary of a phonological domain ; $^*Peak$] and BT for the mismatched peak which are adjacent to the boundary of a phonological domain. For the lexical stress mismatched with the weak metrical position, $^*W{\;}{\Rightarrow}{\;}Strength$ is set up by the concept of the strong syllable. $MPS{\;}{\Rightarrow}{\;}\Phi_{max}$ for the metrical position size can replace the resolution which is used to control the number of syllables in English poems. These constraints show the different hierarchies among the poets.

Amoretti와 Sonnets from the Portuguese의 율격 비교

손일권,Sohn, Il-Kwon 대한음성학회 2007 말소리 Vol.63 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to compare linguistic features of meter in Amoretti and Sonnets from the Portuguese. Amoretti was composed in the 16th century and Sonnets from the Portuguese in the 19th century. Two poems are very strict in satisfying $^*<_I$(LS that makes a lexical stress matched on a strong position. But they allow a peaked monosyllabic word to be matched on a weak position only if it does not violate $^*(\dot{\sigma}\;{\sigma})$. Syntactic inversions which are found in two poems occur to satisfy metrical constraints and rhyme. Particularly, syntactic inversions for rhyme are mainly found in Amoretti, but are rare in Sonnets from the Portuguese which includes many enjambment lines. Furthermore, this paper shows that syntactic inversions can be explained by the interaction of constraints, such as metrical constraints, SCI, and Binary Foot.

하위박에 의한 도약율의 리듬화

손일권,Sohn Il-Kwon 대한음성학회 2000 말소리 Vol.39 No.-

In this paper, I have shown how to associate a musical beat with a note within the framework of Optimality Theory. And the following hierarchy of constraints is suggested to associate a sub-beat with a note. Alternation Sub-beat CCC Head $\gg$ Beat-to-Note $\gg$ Note-to-Beat EQ-Beats Smaller Note Furthermore, I have tried to explain Sprung Rhythm with a musical beat system. I have suggested the following hierarchy for Sprung Rhythm. Head $\gg$ SCSR Using a sub-beat on the basis of Head $\gg$ SCSR shows the abrupt change of Sprung Rhythm well.

설측음화와 비음화의 음운ㆍ음성학적 분석

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 현대문법학회 2015 현대문법연구 Vol.85 No.-

In Korean, the onset constraints based on the sonority preference have the following hierarchy in the initial position of word : *ONS/RHO >> *ONS/LAT >> *ONS/NAS, and it offers a possible explanation for the prohibition on word-initial lateral. However, *med[ONS/NAS dominates *med[ONS/LAT (and *med[ONS/RHO) in the middle of word. Lateralization and nasalization in Korean are the phonological variation to equalize the sonority between the coda and its following onset according to *med[ONS/NAS >> *med[ONS/LAT without violating SYLLCON and IDENT-IO(cor/ant). However, this hierarchy cannot explain why both nasalization and lateralization are possible in case of /n.l/. To find out the reason, the phonetic experiment was conducted with the subjects who speak Daegue dialect, one of Kyeongsang dialect that is considered a pitch language. According to the precedent studies, neutralization does not occur at the strong position. In case of /n.l/, when subjects pronounce the syllable with /n/ using higher pitch than the following syllable with /l/, the syllable with /n/ becomes a phonetically strong position. Accordingly, /n/ can not be pronounced as /l/ by lateralization and instead, /l/ of the following syllable is pronounced as /n/ by nasalization. If subjects pronounce the syllable with /n/ and the following syllable with /l/ with the same pitch, lateralization occurs. The pronunciation of /n.l/ can be explained by phonetically strong position, not by constraints hierarchy.

한국어 화자의 영어 합성어 강세 실현에 있어 비음화와 모국어 방언의 영향

손일권(Sohn, Il-Gwon) 언어과학회 2020 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.94

This study investigated the acoustic characteristics in the stress realization of the two stressed vowels in an English compound as spoken by two different dialect groups (Gyeongsang and Seoul/Gyeonggi) of Korean speakers, and also whether or not nasalization occurs. Nasalization weakened the stress realization by the difference in vowel duration, especially for Gyeongsang speakers. The nasalization of Gyeongsang speakers reduced the difference in intensity, which prevented the stress realization by the difference in intensity. The nasalization of two dialect groups weakened the stress realization by the difference in pitch. The pitch and intensity correlation between two vowels was higher for Gyeongsang speakers than for Seoul/Gyeonggie speakers, especially when nasalization did not occur. This indicates an influence of Gyeongsang dialect on the stress realization in English compounds.

트리 구조 3체 네트워크를 위한 QKD 기반 양자 디지털서명 기법 연구

손일권(Sohn IlKwon),배광일(Bae Kwangil),이은주(Lee Eunjoo),이원혁(Lee Wonhyuk) 한국통신학회 2022 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2022 No.6

문장의 낭독에서 한국어 경음과 경음화된 폐쇄음의 음향적 차이

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2014 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.68

To compare the acoustic characteristics between tense stops and tensed stops when reading a sentence, this study focuses on four acoustic characteristics of two-syllable words with tense or tensed stops for ten female speakers: VOT, Closure duration, CoG and H1-H2. According to this study, the VOT of the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant is shorter than that of a tense stop. The VOT of the tensed stop following a stop, however, is the same as that of a tense stop. The closure duration of the tensed stop following a stop is the longest, followed by a tense stop, and then, the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant. The CoG1 of a lax stop is higher in the word-initial, but that of a tense stop is higher in the word-final. The CoG1-CoG2 of a tensed stop is lower than that of a tense stop, particularly in the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant. The H1- H2 of a tensed or tense stop has positive values when reading a sentence. However, the H1-H2 of the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant is closer to 0 than that of a tense stop or the tensed stop following a stop. In conclusion, the tensed stop following a sonorant consonant shows the acoustic characteristics of tense by VOT and H1-H2, and the tensed stop following a stop by VOT and closure duration.

도약율(Sprung Rhythm)에 나타난 언어적 제약

손일권(Sohn Il Gwon) 언어과학회 2003 언어과학연구 Vol.26 No.-

Hopkins` Sprung Rhythm is probably the famous and perplexing case of a meter from the view of conventional meter. A syllable is corresponded to a metrical position in conventional meter, but this one-to-one correspondence does not occur in Sprung Rhythm. In Sprung Rhythm, the number of strong positions is fixed in each line, but the number of weak positions between them is free. Sprung Rhythm is said to be the most natural and rhythmical meter for reciting. To prove this fact, I have shown that Sprung Rhythm is based on a mora foot. I suggested the following rules for each position and outriders. 1) A weak position contains at most a M or a ρ. 2) A strong position must contain a M. 3) If a weak position contains a ρ or a M, the syllables after its preceding strong position(M) become a outrider except the mora foot of a weak position. 4) A mora foot is formed in following constraint ranks : NoCoda ≫ S→W, Align-μ, Nonfinality (in the case of VCV), and S→W ≫ Nonfinality (in the case of a word-final stressed syllable).

공명음 음절말음에 이어지는 경음화에 대한 음성학적 특징

손일권(Il Gwon Sohn) 언어과학회 2013 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.64

This paper examines the sonorant coda, stop onsets (voiceless unaspirated lenis and voiceless unaspirated fortis) and their following vowels in Korean. This study focuses on five dimensions of the phonetics of two-syllable words with tense, tensified or lax stops for ten female apeakers: duration, VOT, CoG, H1-amolitude, and H1-H2. This study reveals that the coda preceding tensified stops is longer than the coda preceding lax stops, and that the H1-amplitude at the clda preceding tensified stop falls sharply at 70% position of coda in contrast to the coda preceding lax stop that shows nonsignificant change in H1-amplitude. It is shown that the H1-amplitude of the vowel following tensification drops more sharply at 70% position than that of the vowel following tense stop at S1. For VOT, tense stops in S1 are longer than the tensified stops in S2, and there is no significant difference between lax and tensified stops in S2 For CoG, tensified stops are higher than lax stops in S2, while lax stops are higher than tense stops are higher than is concluded that tensified stops in S2 are acoustically differenr from tense stops in S1.

다양한 형태의 양자암호망 제공을 위한 QKD 결합 IPSec(Q-IPSec) 장비 개발연구

손일권(Sohn Il Kwon),이은주(Lee Eunjoo),심규석(Shim Kyu-Seok),김용환(Yong-hwan Kim),배광일(Kwangil Bae),김현진(Hyunjin Kim),이원혁(Lee Wonhyuk) 한국통신학회 2021 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2021 No.2

현재 양자 키 분배 장치는 기존의 광통신에서 고려하지 않는 물리계층 보안을 추가적으로 제공하기 위하여 사용되고 있다. 하지만 양자컴퓨터에 취약한 보안 프로토콜들은 모두 상위계층에서 사용되고 있기 때문에, 양자 키 분배 장치를 물리계층 보안만을 위하여 사용하는 것은 양자컴퓨터의 위협으로부터 안전하지 않을 수 있다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 양자 키 분배 프로토콜을 IPSec의 IKE에 적용하여 디피-헬먼 키 교환이 사용되는 부분을 대체하는 방법을 제시하였다. 또한, 실제 제작한 시작품을 통하여 보완한 프로토콜의 동작을 확인하였다.