우즈베키스탄 근대적 무슬림 지식인의 형성과 정치 활동

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국이슬람학회 2013 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.23 No.2

From the end of imperial Russia to the early period of Soviet Union in the territory of contemporary Uzbekistan there had been continuous conflicts between reformist and conservative Muslims. In these conflicts the conspicuous groups of muslim reformists is Jadidists, who had tried to change and reform by way of various social and cultural activities. These phenomenon had arisen in the all areas of Bukhara Emirate, Khiva & Kokand Khanate, which had been united as Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic after 1924. Most Jadidists literally interpreted and accepted soviet slogans of national self-decision and national liberalization, they actively supported and participated in political process of Soviet regime in UzSSR. In the period of early Soviet policy of Korenizatsiya(localization) Jadidists contributed to the stabilization of Soviet system and they influenced on local Soviet regimes. In the period of early Stalin-era autonomous factors, which had been facilitated in the Lenin`s reign, began to be removed from Soviet society, so almost Jadidists were purged from Stalinist Soviet society with the ``Great Purge`` of 1930s. Active central asian muslim-elite resistance movement against Soviet regime was Basmachi movement, which had been supported by Jadidists, Pan-turkism activists and left-wing turkistan nationalists. As muslim regimes in Khiva and Bukhara had frustrated by Bolshevik, Basmachi movements spreaded and got moderate success. After the death of leader Enver Pasha Bashmachi lost potentials and supports as anti-Bolshevik & soviet movemnts in the early period of Soviet Union. Both muslim reformist and conservative groups were succeeded to early Soviet Jadidists and Basmachi movements, but both groups inevitably perished by abandonment of soviet local autonomous policies in early Stalin-era and strong repressions against anti-soviet movements. Breakdown of Jadidists and Basmachi movements in early Soviet-era meaned disconnection of muslim elite traditions, which had been formed and stabilized pre-soviet periods, in the contemporary territories of Uzbekistan.

카자흐스탄 민족통합 과정에서 카자흐어의 역할 연구

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2009 중동연구 Vol.27 No.3

This study will examine a critical arena of identification in post-Soviet Kazakhstan, namely, language status and use. I will focus on the prospects of the Kazakh language as it relates to commonality and connectedness among the ethnic Kazakh population and potential role of the Kazakh language to link Kazakhstan`s titular ethnic majority with the more than 40 percent minority population. In an address delivered on 31 August 2004, Nazarbayev proclaimed that a supraethnic community-one he referred to as the "Kazakhstani nation" (Kazakhstanskaia natsiia/Qazaqstan ulty)-is in the process of emerging. Nazarbayev`s reference to a Kazakhstani nation produced a very strong reaction among members of Kazakhstan`s intelligentsia. The response from non-Kazakhs-despite the president`s assurances about diversity-may be rooted in a perception that "Kazakhstani-ness" is a step toward eventual assimilation into a nation dominated by a Kazakh majority. The president`s introduction of the term "Kazakhstani nation," however, al so evoked a very negative reaction from some Kazakh nationalists, i.e., those who see Kazakhstan above all as the homeland of the Kazakhs, and who insist that Kazakhstan must make Kazakh culture the "first among equals." In the nationalist view, ethnic minorities of Kazakhstan-including Russians-reside in the country as guests, and, therefore, should live according to the rules of their hosts. In this article, I will provide background about several factors that help explain the relation of Kazakh language to commonality and connectedness in Kazakhstan since independence. And then I will present a very brief overview of changes in several aspects of Kazakh language status from the late Soviet period until the present. This analysis will provide a basis for considering the most important political, economic, and demographic factors in Kazakhstan affecting language status change today, especially among Kazakhs, and the likely direction of future change.

중앙아시아 국가의 강압정책과 이슬람 저항운동 연구

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2008 중동연구 Vol.26 No.2

Peculiarities of Diasporic Elite Formation in the Post-Soviet Space

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son,German Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2010 중동연구 Vol.29 No.1

본 논문에서는 탈소비에트 지역에 출현한 새로운 정치 구조에서 `디아스포라 엘리트(Diasporic Elite)` 집단의 형성 배경, 과정 및 그 역할과 특성에 대한 구체적 분석을 시도하였다. 특히 본 논문은 탈소비에트 지역에서 디아스포라 엘리트 집단의 형성 과정을 역사적 배경을 기반으로 살펴보면서 국가의 현대 주류 엘리트 집단에 어떤 경로를 통해 편입되고 정부 기관과 정당 등의 고위 지도층까지 오르게 되었는지를 조사하였다. 카자흐스탄의 정치 엘리트는 과거 소비에트 시기의 핵심적 인물들이 주축으로 형성되었고 공산당 청년 당원으로 활동했던 다양한 직급의 젊은 관료들이 대거 합류하면서 강화되었다. 또한 개혁적이면서 능력을 겸비한 신진 정치인들과 성공한 사업가들이 국가 기관에서 고위층을 차지하면서 엘리트 집단의 또 다른 한 축을 구축하게 되었다. 카자흐스탄, 우즈베키스탄 및 러시아의 고려인을 포함하여 디아스포라 엘리트 집단은 2 개의 경로를 통해 형성되었다고 할 수 있다. 우선 소연방의 붕괴에 따라 내부적으로 발생한 `고려인 민족운동`의 결과로 디아스포라 엘리트 집단이 형성된 것으로 보인다. 1990 년대 후반 고려인 협회지도부에는 비즈니스에 전념했던 신세대 대표들이 대거 참여하였다. 새로이 형성된 지도부 하에서 과거의 가치 기준은 급속히 변화되었고 민족의 단결을 유도하고 디아스포라 네트워크를 이용하여 보다 실질적인 문제를 해결하는데 집중하였다. 신세대가 참여한 협회의 지도부는 디아스포라 네트워크의 효과적 이용과 디아스포라 집단의 권익을 확보하고 권력에 대한 적극적이고 다각적인 협력을 통해 수직적인 권력 구조의 고위층으로 편입될 수 있었던 것이다. 특히 민족문화 협회의 지도부로 부상한 신세대 대표들은 소위 `디아스포라 엘리베이터`를 이용할 수 있었고 비교적 수월하게 카자흐스탄을 포함하여 새로이 독립한 중앙아시아 국가들의 권력 엘리트에 포함될 수 있었다. 국가권력 엘리트로 편입될 수 있는 또 다른 경로로는 성공적인 비즈니스를 바탕으로 거대한 부의 축척을 통해서도 가능하였다.

중앙아시아 자디드 운동과 러시아 혁명

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ),추석훈 ( Suk Hoon Choo ) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.1

The primary focus in this article is the intellectual and political trajectory of Central Asian intellectuals, the ``Jadids," from 1917 to 1920. Through a close reading of several key texts by Jadids, we seek to outline the Jadids`` shift from reform to revolution in this period. The revolution marked a turning point in the history of Central Asian Jadidism. Three years following 1917 were the period of intense upheaval during which the entire social and political order in the former Russian empire was reconstructed in a multifaceted struggle of various social groups. For the Jadids these period was transformative of both their world view and their strategies. They succeeded in becoming active agents in the contests over the reestablishment of state order in Central Asia, in which the future of Central Asia was defined. When the exclusionary policies of the Tashkent Soviet changed under pressure from the central government, a remarkable concatenation of circumstances allowed the Jadids to first enter, and then briefly take over the new institutions of power being created by the Soviet regime in Turkestan. Although the attempt was unsuccessful, the state had come to play a significant role in Jadid strategies. Although the Jadids continued to blame ignorance for the ills of their society, and struggles in the realm of culture and education remained at the forefront of their agenda, they had realized that new methods were required in the new era. Years of exhortation had produced scanty results. As Soviet attitudes changed, the Jadids came to see the state not as an enemy but as an instrument of change. The new regime was quite different from the old, and presented its own opportunities and constraints. Jadid strategies accordingly shifted in the years after 1917. The revolution provided the chance for a politicized and radicalized cultural elite to win control of the destiny of the nation. Since autumn 1917, earlier Jadid exhortations to seek admonition from the "civilized" nations of Europe gave a way to a bitter anti-imperialism. This anti-imperialism had its own revolutionary logic, one in which class was replaced by nation and which shared fully in the iconoclastic mood of the moment. The Jadids found much to admire in the Bolsheviks and their methods.

탈소비에트 투르크 공화국들의 문자개혁과 과제

손영훈(Son, Young Hoon) 한국이슬람학회 2016 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.26 No.1

The scripts that were employed to record Turkic Languages vary throughout history. In 1991, with the emergence of newly independent Turkic republics in the Soviet Union, the subject of the alphabet became an important issue again and, as a result, the Turks in the former Soviet Union changed their alphabets for the third time in the 20th century. Since 1991 special symposium, official and semi-official meetings conducted in Turkey have played an important role for the acceptance of the new alphabets among the Turkic republics. Less known are the alphabet reform debates in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This paper has intended to reveal the debates surrounding Turkic alphabets and a representation of a struggle to consciously create common Turkic alphabet to represent a common Turkic identity, unified or not. This is still to this day an ongoing struggle that on some fronts may frankly be considered a complete failure. After discussing the unfolding of Soviet-led alphabet reform in Turkic republics in USSR and the debates and resolutions of the meetings focused on the future of Turkic alphabets or contemporary Turkic alphabet reform, I will proceed survey the events leading up to their latest implementation in the post-soviet Turkic republics

20세기 초 카자흐 소설에 나타난 주체적 여성상 연구

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ),고경미 ( Kyeong Mi Ko ) 한국이슬람학회 2014 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.24 No.1

This thesis aims at studying aspects of female independence of in Kazakh literature of the beginning of the 20th. For this purpose the thesis dealt with two subjects. The one is an overview about the situation of Kazakh women, which includes Kazakh women`s role throughout history of Kazakhstan in the beginning of the 20th. Writers and other intellectuals favored the emancipation of women around the early 1900s to adapt to fast-changing period. They believed that their prose can predispose breaking down the old family system. This is supposed to be a necessary research for furthering more studies on related fields. The other subject is concentrated on the analysis of 『Bakytsyz Zhamal』 by M. Dulatov, 『Aisha』by S. Seifullin, 『Akbilek』by Z. Aimauytov. M. Dulatov published in 1910 the book 『Bakhytsyz Zhamal』 (Unfortunate Zhamal) which is the first novel written in the Kazakh language, and also probably the first work of art in the Muslim East, devoted to a problem of unequal position of the woman in society of that time. The novel describes the life of the oppressed Kazakh women to be sold as a thing for a bride-price. Theme of 『Aisha』by S. Seifullin is same too. The novel describes the tough life of the oppressed Kazakh women. She finally runs away from old customs and wins freedom. 『Akbilek』by Z. Aimauytov describes renovation of Kazakh village during social revolution based on example of one girl`s destiny. Through the fate of the heroine of the novel Aimauytov showed the tragedy of the Kazakh women, is its obedience, humility, meekness, crushed by the inexorable march of history and violent upheavals. But after being educated in city, she becomes educated woman and break through old customs. In the end, she takes back happiness. The Kazakh intellectuals such as M. Dulatov, S. Seifullin, Z. Aimauytov at the beginning of the 20th century were aiming the modernization of the Kazakh people and creating a place for them among the civilized nations of the world. The writers saw the society should not demand unreasonable obedience of women and that men should show respect for women`s role to support human society. They wanted to be realized female independence and equality in Kazakh society at that time. The three novels are a clear manifestation of the early 20th century environment and mirror the process of change which heroines` self has undergone under the given circumstances in their life.

카자흐스탄의 국민형성 과정과 조직

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2014 중동연구 Vol.33 No.1

The countries of the former Soviet Union inherited a unique system for managing the needs of ethnic minorities. The question is how these countries utilize Soviet constructs to develop policies suitable for their distinct political contexts. Kazakhstan`s leaders have chosen to fashion a transethnic or multiethnic nation and established the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan to oversee the work of creating a uniform national identity. The Assembly is a government sponsored institution promoting peace and harmony among the ethnically diverse population of Kazakhstan. Among the Assembly`s tasks are the provision of minority representation in state and local government, the support of national cultural centers mandated to preserve and revive ethnic minority cultures, and the establishment of facilities and forums, such as cultural festivals and Houses of Friendship, for the exercise and performance of ethnic culture. Some of the stated intentions of these efforts include forming a civic Kazakhstan national identity, strengthening multiethnic and multireligious harmony and tolerance, and countering the appearance of extremism and radicalism in society. This article highlights the Soviet approach to building a civic nation, and describes how the ideology, form, and activities of the Assembly contribute to civic nation building in Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakhstan`s attempts to create a civic national identity are failing because it has not yet provided a consolidating national discourse as strong as socialism was during the Soviet period.

카자흐스탄의 “러시아인 문제”와 카자흐화 정책

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2007 중동연구 Vol.25 No.2

Among the fifteen national republics that constituted the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan was the most “multiethnic” republic, contained a large number of Russians and so-called “Russian-speakers(russkoyazychyne)”. It was the only Soviet national republic in which the titular nation(Kazakhs) did not constitute a majority upon gaining independence in 1991. Kazakh ruling elites and nationalists who had decried the reduction of Kazakhs as a minority in their own historial homeland over the past 70 years of Soviet rule had most anxiously awaited the officialization of Kazakhs as majority. During the first post-independence decade, Kazakhstan has become more Kazakh in its composition, which has diluted its Russian national profile. On the surface, the authorities of Kazakhstan have declared their support for friendship of peoples, peace, stability and international accord. In point a fact, however, they carry out discrimination policy that is rather moderate in form but sufficiently harsh in substance, moreover, one that put pressure on Russian and so-called “Russian-speakers” to leave Kazakhstan. To this end, institutional and political methods are employed, in particular, territorial and administrative reforms, language policy and personal policy in state structure. As a specific phenomenon of Kazakhstan, Kazakhification can be understood to encompass state policy - in all sphere of public life - directed at the revival, the strengthening, development, representation and domination of basic socio-cultural, national-demographic, economic, political and legal values as well as resources of Kazakhs. At same time, Kazakhification policy is aimed at creating a new Kazakh nation as a long-term permanent basis of Kazakh statehood. But the Russian presence and lack of strong national consciousness and identity of Kazakh people in Kazakhstan at the time of independence exacerbated the delicate situations in the country. Today, the state of initial extreme tension in this independent state, which became a core of national and religious conflict by foreign observers, seem to have been diluted by noticeable economic development and social reform after more than a decade of independent statehood. Nevertheless, the ``Russian problem`` in Kazakhstan is vital element defining Kazakh foreign and domestic policies and threatening national security of Kazakhstan and CIS. Therefore, the progress made in a very short period and the cautious and astute Kazakhification policy of the Kazakh government are the worthy of investigation for the light they shed on national-political development in one of the post-Soviet Central Asian republics. After presenting and analysing the historical background and demographic changes to understand the essence of ``Russian problem`` in Kazakhstan, this article examines state recruitment policy, language reform and the policy to change a demographic balance as the instruments of Kazakhification aimed at Kazakh state building in Kazakhstan. In analysing the Kazakh national policy, I also examine the attitudes and activities of various Russian groups in Kazakhstan.

도시 가로 공간 열환경 개선기법에 관한 연구

손영훈(Young-Hoon Son),권순범(Soon-Beom Kwon),류지원(Won-Ji Ryu),정응호(Eung-Ho Jeong),노백호(Paik-Ho Rho),엄정희(Jeong-Hee Eum) 대한공간정보학회 2018 한국지형공간정보학회 학술대회 Vol.2018 No.11