우즈베키스탄 근대적 무슬림 지식인의 형성과 정치 활동

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국이슬람학회 2013 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.23 No.2

From the end of imperial Russia to the early period of Soviet Union in the territory of contemporary Uzbekistan there had been continuous conflicts between reformist and conservative Muslims. In these conflicts the conspicuous groups of muslim reformists is Jadidists, who had tried to change and reform by way of various social and cultural activities. These phenomenon had arisen in the all areas of Bukhara Emirate, Khiva & Kokand Khanate, which had been united as Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic after 1924. Most Jadidists literally interpreted and accepted soviet slogans of national self-decision and national liberalization, they actively supported and participated in political process of Soviet regime in UzSSR. In the period of early Soviet policy of Korenizatsiya(localization) Jadidists contributed to the stabilization of Soviet system and they influenced on local Soviet regimes. In the period of early Stalin-era autonomous factors, which had been facilitated in the Lenin`s reign, began to be removed from Soviet society, so almost Jadidists were purged from Stalinist Soviet society with the ``Great Purge`` of 1930s. Active central asian muslim-elite resistance movement against Soviet regime was Basmachi movement, which had been supported by Jadidists, Pan-turkism activists and left-wing turkistan nationalists. As muslim regimes in Khiva and Bukhara had frustrated by Bolshevik, Basmachi movements spreaded and got moderate success. After the death of leader Enver Pasha Bashmachi lost potentials and supports as anti-Bolshevik & soviet movemnts in the early period of Soviet Union. Both muslim reformist and conservative groups were succeeded to early Soviet Jadidists and Basmachi movements, but both groups inevitably perished by abandonment of soviet local autonomous policies in early Stalin-era and strong repressions against anti-soviet movements. Breakdown of Jadidists and Basmachi movements in early Soviet-era meaned disconnection of muslim elite traditions, which had been formed and stabilized pre-soviet periods, in the contemporary territories of Uzbekistan.

체첸-러시아 전쟁의 전개 과정과 국가테러

손영훈(Son, Young-Hoon) 한국중동학회 2011 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.31 No.3

This paper aims to investigate the conflicts and terrors developed in the Chechen- Russian relations since 1768 up to today. Two wars of 1994-1996 and 1999-2000 were especially triggered by that Chechenya wanted independence from Russia. However, the Russian government did not approve independence because it could have consequences of the loss in Russian political, economical, cultural and geopolitical interests in the area: politically, other minor ethnic groups in Russian Federation may also require their independence. Economically, Chenchnya has the massive oil reserves which have positively contributed to the Russian economy. The geopolitical importance of Chechnya is also the reason Russia cannot give up its right in Chechnya. Furthermore, Russia worries the spread of Chechen Islam across the Russian Federation. Terrors against each other have been still continued even after President Khadyrov, pro-Russian figure was elected in Chechenya. President Medvedev also keeps the hard-line policy against Chechen provocations. By this regard, it is not certain whether the long history with a serious of wars between Chechen and Russia would be put an end to in the near future.

불안정한 지지면에서의 코어 운동이 건강 체력에 미치는 영향

손영훈(Young-Hun Son),엄희승(Hui-Seung Eom),이민희(Min-Hee Lee) 한국운동재활복지협회 2021 운동재활·복지 Vol.2 No.2

이 연구는 불안정한 지지면에서 코어운동이 유연성, 근지구력, 심폐지구력에에 미치는 영향을 알아보는 것에 목적을 두었다. 연구대상으로는 H대학의 성인 남녀 22명을 대상으로 2019년 11월 4일에 연구를 시작하여 동년 동월 22일까지 3주간 연구를 진행하였다. 연구방법은 대상자를 무작위로 할당하여 안정된 지지면과 불안정한 지지면으로 나누어 배치하였으며 실험집단과 통제집단은 각각 11명으로 구성하였다. SPSS/Window(12.0 ver.)를 사용하여 일반적인 특성에 대한 기술통계와 대응 t-검정을 통해 사전과 사후의 차이를 비교하였다. 연구의 결과로는 두 그룹 모두에서 근지구력과 유연성에서 통계적으로 유의한 증가를 나타내었으나 심폐지구력은 실험집단에서만 차이를 보였다. 또한 그룹 간 비교를 통해 근지력과 심폐지구력에서 유의차를 확실할 수 있었다. 이를 통해 불안정한 지지면에서의 코어 운동이 보다 효과가 있다는 것이 확인되었으며, 향후 다양한 연령대를 대상으로 연구를 진행하여 보다 많은 사람들이 운동의 효과를 높일 수 있도록 노력하여야 할 필요성이 있다. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to find out the effects of core motion on flexibility, muscle endurance, and cardiopulmonary endurance on the unstable support surface. Methods: The research period of this research was conducted for three weeks from November 4, 2019 to November 22, 2019. The participants included 22 adult men and women attending H University in Jeollanam-do. The subjects were randomly assigned a group of unstable support surfaces and a group of stable support surfaces, with 11 persons each assigned to the experimental and control groups. The subjects of each county conducted the experiment after fully explaining the purpose and significance of the study before participating in the experiment. Results: The results of this study are: 1. Muscular endurance increased after exercise in both control experimental groups, resulting in statistically significant differences. 2. Flexibility increased after exercise in both control experimental groups, resulting in statistically significant differences. 3. Cardiopulmonary endurance showed no statistically significant difference in the control group but the experimental group showed statistically significant differences. 4. Both counties showed improved health fitness after core exercises and higher core movement on stable support surfaces. Conclusion: When performing core exercises, it is thought that exercise on unstable ground level will be more effective. It is thought that further studies should be conducted on the effects of core motion on health fitness in the future, taking into account people of various ages.

SAW 용접을 적용한 304 오스테나이트 스테인리스 강관의 후열처리를 통한 기계적 특성 연구

손영훈(Yeonghun Son),장대한(Daehan Jang),김정수(Jungsoo Kim),장재호(Jaeho Jang),김병준(Byeongjun Kim),남대근(Daegeun Nam) 한국생산제조학회 2016 한국생산제조시스템학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2016 No.11

카자흐스탄의 국민형성 과정과 조직

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2014 중동연구 Vol.33 No.1

The countries of the former Soviet Union inherited a unique system for managing the needs of ethnic minorities. The question is how these countries utilize Soviet constructs to develop policies suitable for their distinct political contexts. Kazakhstan`s leaders have chosen to fashion a transethnic or multiethnic nation and established the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan to oversee the work of creating a uniform national identity. The Assembly is a government sponsored institution promoting peace and harmony among the ethnically diverse population of Kazakhstan. Among the Assembly`s tasks are the provision of minority representation in state and local government, the support of national cultural centers mandated to preserve and revive ethnic minority cultures, and the establishment of facilities and forums, such as cultural festivals and Houses of Friendship, for the exercise and performance of ethnic culture. Some of the stated intentions of these efforts include forming a civic Kazakhstan national identity, strengthening multiethnic and multireligious harmony and tolerance, and countering the appearance of extremism and radicalism in society. This article highlights the Soviet approach to building a civic nation, and describes how the ideology, form, and activities of the Assembly contribute to civic nation building in Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakhstan`s attempts to create a civic national identity are failing because it has not yet provided a consolidating national discourse as strong as socialism was during the Soviet period.

20세기 초 카자흐 소설에 나타난 주체적 여성상 연구

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ),고경미 ( Kyeong Mi Ko ) 한국이슬람학회 2014 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.24 No.1

This thesis aims at studying aspects of female independence of in Kazakh literature of the beginning of the 20th. For this purpose the thesis dealt with two subjects. The one is an overview about the situation of Kazakh women, which includes Kazakh women`s role throughout history of Kazakhstan in the beginning of the 20th. Writers and other intellectuals favored the emancipation of women around the early 1900s to adapt to fast-changing period. They believed that their prose can predispose breaking down the old family system. This is supposed to be a necessary research for furthering more studies on related fields. The other subject is concentrated on the analysis of 『Bakytsyz Zhamal』 by M. Dulatov, 『Aisha』by S. Seifullin, 『Akbilek』by Z. Aimauytov. M. Dulatov published in 1910 the book 『Bakhytsyz Zhamal』 (Unfortunate Zhamal) which is the first novel written in the Kazakh language, and also probably the first work of art in the Muslim East, devoted to a problem of unequal position of the woman in society of that time. The novel describes the life of the oppressed Kazakh women to be sold as a thing for a bride-price. Theme of 『Aisha』by S. Seifullin is same too. The novel describes the tough life of the oppressed Kazakh women. She finally runs away from old customs and wins freedom. 『Akbilek』by Z. Aimauytov describes renovation of Kazakh village during social revolution based on example of one girl`s destiny. Through the fate of the heroine of the novel Aimauytov showed the tragedy of the Kazakh women, is its obedience, humility, meekness, crushed by the inexorable march of history and violent upheavals. But after being educated in city, she becomes educated woman and break through old customs. In the end, she takes back happiness. The Kazakh intellectuals such as M. Dulatov, S. Seifullin, Z. Aimauytov at the beginning of the 20th century were aiming the modernization of the Kazakh people and creating a place for them among the civilized nations of the world. The writers saw the society should not demand unreasonable obedience of women and that men should show respect for women`s role to support human society. They wanted to be realized female independence and equality in Kazakh society at that time. The three novels are a clear manifestation of the early 20th century environment and mirror the process of change which heroines` self has undergone under the given circumstances in their life.

알라쉬(Alash) 정당과 카자흐 자치정부

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2013 중동연구 Vol.31 No.3

The first two decades of the twentieth century was a central period in the Alash national movement as many Kazakhs organized politically and openly expressed their concerns over, and remedies for, tsarist colonization practices, economic and social dislocation, and national- cultural deterioration. February Revolution in 1917 was greeted enthusiastically by Kazakh intelligentsias. The event was seen as marking the beginning of a new era, one in which the Kazakh grievances would receive a fair hearing and former wrongs would be righted. The Kazakh intelligentsias supported the Provisional Government and worked to establish a Kazakh nationalist party, the Alash party, to represent and articulate kazakh national interests in Russia. Their optimism quickly faded as the Provisional Government was overthrown and the Bolsheviks disbanded the democratically elected constitutional convention. Most Kazakh intelligentsia found it difficult to support the new Bolsheviks regime and chose instead to create the Alash Orda autonomous government. This government, which attempted to govern the steppe from 1917 through mid-1919, fought with the various White forces to defeat Bolshevik rule. As the White cause faded in late 1918 and throughout 1919, increasing numbers of Kazakh intelligentsias sought accommodation with the the Bolsheviks. By the end of 1919 virtually all sectors of Kazakh society had acquiesced to Bolshevik rule. Many Kazakh intelligentsia joined the new Soviet government hoping to convince the Bolsheviks of the Kazakh need for cultural and political autonomy.

카자흐스탄의 “러시아인 문제”와 카자흐화 정책

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2007 중동연구 Vol.25 No.2

Among the fifteen national republics that constituted the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan was the most “multiethnic” republic, contained a large number of Russians and so-called “Russian-speakers(russkoyazychyne)”. It was the only Soviet national republic in which the titular nation(Kazakhs) did not constitute a majority upon gaining independence in 1991. Kazakh ruling elites and nationalists who had decried the reduction of Kazakhs as a minority in their own historial homeland over the past 70 years of Soviet rule had most anxiously awaited the officialization of Kazakhs as majority. During the first post-independence decade, Kazakhstan has become more Kazakh in its composition, which has diluted its Russian national profile. On the surface, the authorities of Kazakhstan have declared their support for friendship of peoples, peace, stability and international accord. In point a fact, however, they carry out discrimination policy that is rather moderate in form but sufficiently harsh in substance, moreover, one that put pressure on Russian and so-called “Russian-speakers” to leave Kazakhstan. To this end, institutional and political methods are employed, in particular, territorial and administrative reforms, language policy and personal policy in state structure. As a specific phenomenon of Kazakhstan, Kazakhification can be understood to encompass state policy - in all sphere of public life - directed at the revival, the strengthening, development, representation and domination of basic socio-cultural, national-demographic, economic, political and legal values as well as resources of Kazakhs. At same time, Kazakhification policy is aimed at creating a new Kazakh nation as a long-term permanent basis of Kazakh statehood. But the Russian presence and lack of strong national consciousness and identity of Kazakh people in Kazakhstan at the time of independence exacerbated the delicate situations in the country. Today, the state of initial extreme tension in this independent state, which became a core of national and religious conflict by foreign observers, seem to have been diluted by noticeable economic development and social reform after more than a decade of independent statehood. Nevertheless, the ``Russian problem`` in Kazakhstan is vital element defining Kazakh foreign and domestic policies and threatening national security of Kazakhstan and CIS. Therefore, the progress made in a very short period and the cautious and astute Kazakhification policy of the Kazakh government are the worthy of investigation for the light they shed on national-political development in one of the post-Soviet Central Asian republics. After presenting and analysing the historical background and demographic changes to understand the essence of ``Russian problem`` in Kazakhstan, this article examines state recruitment policy, language reform and the policy to change a demographic balance as the instruments of Kazakhification aimed at Kazakh state building in Kazakhstan. In analysing the Kazakh national policy, I also examine the attitudes and activities of various Russian groups in Kazakhstan.

카자흐스탄 민족통합 과정에서 카자흐어의 역할 연구

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2009 중동연구 Vol.27 No.3

This study will examine a critical arena of identification in post-Soviet Kazakhstan, namely, language status and use. I will focus on the prospects of the Kazakh language as it relates to commonality and connectedness among the ethnic Kazakh population and potential role of the Kazakh language to link Kazakhstan`s titular ethnic majority with the more than 40 percent minority population. In an address delivered on 31 August 2004, Nazarbayev proclaimed that a supraethnic community-one he referred to as the Kazakhstani nation (Kazakhstanskaia natsiia/Qazaqstan ulty)-is in the process of emerging. Nazarbayev`s reference to a Kazakhstani nation produced a very strong reaction among members of Kazakhstan`s intelligentsia. The response from non-Kazakhs-despite the president`s assurances about diversity-may be rooted in a perception that Kazakhstani-ness is a step toward eventual assimilation into a nation dominated by a Kazakh majority. The president`s introduction of the term Kazakhstani nation, however, al so evoked a very negative reaction from some Kazakh nationalists, i.e., those who see Kazakhstan above all as the homeland of the Kazakhs, and who insist that Kazakhstan must make Kazakh culture the first among equals. In the nationalist view, ethnic minorities of Kazakhstan-including Russians-reside in the country as guests, and, therefore, should live according to the rules of their hosts. In this article, I will provide background about several factors that help explain the relation of Kazakh language to commonality and connectedness in Kazakhstan since independence. And then I will present a very brief overview of changes in several aspects of Kazakh language status from the late Soviet period until the present. This analysis will provide a basis for considering the most important political, economic, and demographic factors in Kazakhstan affecting language status change today, especially among Kazakhs, and the likely direction of future change.

카자흐스탄 수도이전과 그 함의

손영훈 ( Young Hoon Son ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2010 중동연구 Vol.28 No.3

This article examines the various motives for the move in 1997 of the Kazakhstani capital from Almaty to Astana. In December 1997 Kazakhstan moved its capital city from scenic Almaty in the southeast region to Akmola (later renamed Astana) in the north-central steppe. The physical appearance of Astana is probably changing more rapidly than that of any other city in the former Soviet Union. And the demographic changes taking place there are even more dramatic. Accompanying this absolute population growth have been radical shifts in the ethnic and socio-economic character of the city. The impact of these transformations reaches far beyond the municipal boundaries of Astana. For Kazakhstanis, the capital move has been among the most visible of the initiatives of the government of Nursultan Nazarbayev; for the national press it has been one of the most important stories of the past decade. In Kazakhstan, “Astana” is a word that is on the lips of everyone. Despite all this, the development of the city has attracted surprisingly little attention from non-Kazakh scholars. Many of those few who write on Astana restrict their analysis to the implications of the capital move for future Kazakh-Russian relations. Journalistic accounts of the new capital, meanwhile, tend to take on a bemused, slightly mocking tone, focusing much attention on the more absurd aspects of the project. As bizarre as the relocation to Astana seemed, it was not totally unique. From 1950 to 1990, thirteen countries including ones in Latin America and Africa moved their capitals. From a nation-building perspective, the move of Kazakhstani capital has two implications. First, the movement of the capital is likely to be a motivating force for Kazakhs to move to the northern regions of the country. Second, the movement of the capital serves as a means of controlling any potential irredentist and separatist sentiment in the north. In this paper, I will suggest a connection between capital relocation, and state unity and nation building efforts. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is not to address the theoretical significance of capitals in a general sense, but rather to examine the specific role of Astana in the nationalist project of Kazakhstan.