아랍어 연설문의 구문분석에 의한 이해

史熙萬,Sah, Hee-Man 한국외국어대학교 통역대학원 1985 통역대학원 논문집 Vol.1 No.1

A Study on the Rhetorical Tactics in the Arabic Political Discourse - with special reference to Gamal "Abdul Nasser

Sah Hee-Man(사희만) 한국중동학회 2004 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.24 No.2

  근대 아랍정치사에서 이집트의 가말 압둘 나세르 Gamal "Abdul Nasser(1918~1970)는 범(汎)아랍주의를 주창한 아랍민족주의자일 뿐 아니라 대표적인 대중 연설가로 잘 알려져 있다. 그의 연설은 이집트를 비롯한 전 아랍세계에 큰 반향을 불러일으킬 만큼 설득력과 호소력이 넘치는 명연설로 간주되고 있다.<BR>  나세르 연설의 수사적 특성은 나세르가 그의 연설 텍스트에서 사용하고 있는 특유의 수사적 책략을 언급하지 않고서는 나세르의 수사적 특성을 온전히 파악했다고 보기는 매우 어려운 일이다. 따라서 본고에서는 나세르의 수사적 책략을 파악하기 위해 ‘언어’가 연설 텍스트의 ‘수사적 기능’에 어떻게 미치고 기여하는 지를 해명하고자 한다.<BR>  분석을 위해 본 연구자는 1956년부터 1962년까지 나세르가 행한 7개의 각기 다른 연설 녹음 자료를 분석자료로 삼았다. 이들 연설의 주제는 주로 국내 문제와 관련한 연설이었다. 본 연구에서는 기존의 발행된 텍스트 자료에 의존하지 않고 그의 연설이 녹음된 녹음 테이프를 연구자가 직접 채록하였다는 점이 특징이다. 이는 텍스트 밖의 연설 상황, 즉 청중과 연설자 상호간의 커뮤니케이션까지도 연구 범위에 포함시키고자 하였기 때문이다.<BR>  분석 결과, 나세르는 개인적인 설득을 위한 전략으로서 문어와 구어의 코드 바꾸기(code-switching)을 사용하고 있음을 알았다. 아랍어의 전통적인 수사법인 반복어법은 그의 연설에서 3개 이상의 언어요소의 반복과 병렬어구, 어근과 어형의 반복 등으로 나타났다. 또한 극적 시각화, 1인칭 대명사를 수사 책략으로 사용하고 있으며, 직접화법의 사용은 설득 화법의 특징을 보여주었다.<BR>  나세르는 또한 청중의 박수와 환호를 유도하면서 이를 그의 수사적 책략으로 사용함을 알았다. 그밖에 ‘돋보임’ 기법으로서 일부 언어적 장치들이 논중 방법으로 사용되었다.

아랍 정치 담화에 나타난 언어와 권력의 상관관계에 대한 분석 -이라크의 사담 후세인을 중심으로-

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 한국아랍어아랍문학회 2011 아랍어와 아랍문학 Vol.15 No.2

From the viewpoint of the role of language in politics, this study was aimed at analyzing the rhetorical way in which Saddam Hussein had used in his discourse to maintain his power, obtain the mass support and promote unity among the people in the socio-political setting of Kuwait invasion and the following Gulf war. For this, the study will examine the three basic myths of political language -the Valiant leader, the Conspiratorial Enemy and We Stand United-, proposed by Edleman which are employed in Hussein`s discourse. For making an image of the valiant leader, Hussein resorted to two role models "Nebuchadnezzar II and Saladin" from the Iraqi history to create heroic images for himself, along with the mentioning of the past historical events in his discourse. In this context, Hussein employed the defiant rhetoric facing the United States. Hussein regarded the U.S and Israel as conspiratorial enemies and his aim was to create unity and identity among Iraqi people, attaching negative labels to his enemies. And facing up to the superpower with his defiant rhetoric and casting the conflict as a personal struggle between himself and Bush, it enhanced Saddam Hussein`s reputation as a courageous strongman. For unity and unification rhetoric, he used the rhetorical devices of spectacle and projection. In addition, he employed the power of religion to make his rhetoric successful. As the results of the analysis, it has become clear that Saddam Hussein was a politician who was well aware of the importance and the role of language in politics. It is concluded that accomplishing his political goal to stay in power and overcoming the national crisis can be attributed to his special linguistic talent and ability to use rhetoric for mass manipulation and persuasion.

아랍어의 양상표현 방식에 관한 고찰 -인식 양상을 중심으로-

사희만(Sah Hee Man) 한국아랍어아랍문학회 2010 아랍어와 아랍문학 Vol.14 No.1

Modality can be defined linguistically as the attitude taken by the speaker toward the contents of the message uttered by the speaker himself. Therefore modality is an area of subtle syntactic and semantic distinctions. In Arabic grammar, little has been known about the grammatical category of modality. This paper mainly deals with the epistemic modality, because it covers the important semantic areas such as the possibility and necessity in the modal sentences. It relates to what one knows to be in fact the case or to what one judges to be possible or likely on the basis of prior knowledge. The epistemic modality will be discussed in its relation to the deontic modality from the perspective of semantic change. Real examples are cited to illustrate the theoretical points covering both the Classical Written Arabic and Spoken Arabic as well. It has been concluded that the epistemic modal sentences can be expressed by the various linguistic devices and modes of modality and the modal expressions were grammatically structured. The semantic connection between the different types of modality could be found to be used in Arabic.

멀티미디어 아랍어 교수법 개발에 관한 연구 : 대학 강의 콘텐츠의 개발 사례를 중심으로

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2004 지중해지역연구 Vol.6 No.1

This study was implemented to find a way to apply Internet and computer technology to teaching the Arabic language and culture to the Korean college students at the beginner`s level. Nowadays, as the information and computer technology has developed, multimedia has become one of the major instructional tools in teaching foreign languages and culture since it can arouse great interest among the learners through the integration of text, sound, image and moving picture. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to develop web-based multimedia contents and present a model for learning Arabic language and culture on the cyber space. In order to implement this aim properly, first of all, this paper will describe the need of teaching the integrated Arabic language and culture and its related problems. Then, it is concluded that the web-based learning can be an effective way and tool for solving this problem. The paper shows the process of developing the multimedia contents through the four phases of analyzing in which a joint team of experts would participate. It also explains the factors such as interactivity to be taken into consideration for the design of the web-based online learning.

무르시 이집트 대통령에 대한 정치적 풍자 -바셈 유세프의 엘 베르나메그를 중심으로-

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2013 지중해지역연구 Vol.15 No.3

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship of satire and the socio-political reality with reference to some episodes concerning Egyptian President Mursi that appeared in popular satirical show El-Bernameg(The Program) hosted by Egyptian TV comedian Bassem Youssef. Charged with insulting President Mursi and Islam, he has captured in a refreshing way the frustrations and aspirations of many Egyptians by resorting to political satire, a genre that was absent from Egyptian television before the revolution in 2011 El-Bernameg has extended the boundaries of public discourse by mocking public figures such as Egyptian President Mursi and the power holders in the Islamist government. For instance, Youssef portrayed Mursi as a superman with superpowers and he mocked Islamists` use of religion for political purpose. It also represented a shift of political parody from the private level to the public sphere. It is noteworthy that though to deal with the religion as a material for political satire along with politics is regarded as a taboo to satirise in the Arab world, Islam was subject to being as part of satire because Mursi is originally from Muslim Brethren. This study also showed that the political satire can provide public knowledge about politics to the people, at the same time when they are to be entertained by it. Bassem Youssef`s political parody format is unprecedented in the Arab world as it is supposed to be a watchdog on the news media. It is said that political jokes represent a revolt against authority and a liberation from its pressure and the laughter has the corrective effect. Then, it remains to be seen later whether Mursi will begin to correct his undemocratic course of action. But it is clear that Bassem Youssef will continue to be the epicenter of debate about the freedom of expression in Egyptian politics by showing his satirical rhetoric and ‘laughter`.

독재자와 언어 -재스민 혁명과정에서의 벤 알리 튀니지 대통령 연설을 중심으로-

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2012 지중해지역연구 Vol.14 No.3

In this paper, I have tried to analyze the three speeches delivered by Tunisian President Ben Ali during the Tunisian Jasmine Revolution before he was forced to leave his country. For the sake of seeing if there is any shift among these speeches from the linguistic and rhetorical aspects I have examined the themes and structures of the speeches, concentrating on the linguistic tools and rhetorical strategies employed by him to face the protests by Tunisian people. The paper concludes that as the protest and the social unrest became worse, Ben Ali used different linguistic devices such as a code-switching, self-referencing and repetition in addition to the various rhetorical strategies in dealing with the protest in context with the social situation. As he spoke for the first time in Tunisian dialect in his last speech, it meant he intended to shorten the psychological and emotional gap between him and the people. Ben Ali used the traditional tactics of ascribing the demonstration to the terrorists and the criminals, employing the tactics of cane and carrots. Ben Ali`s last speech showed the mood of begging, a different change from the previous speeches. Also the frequent use of the first-person pronoun in the last speech in comparison with the previous two speeches showed the seemingly shift of the public identity of Ben Ali linguistically and psychologically from the dictatorial president to the ordinary people. Lastly, the use of the term Sha`b in the last speech can be interpreted as the sign of recognizing the sovereignty of the people after long years of dictatorship. It is expected that this study can be used as the foundation for determining the Arab dictators` pattern of discourse such as former Egyptian president Mubarak, Syrian president Bashshar and Qadhafi of Libya in future relevant researches.

민주적 담화: 이집트 무바라크의 정치담화에 대한 분석

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2014 중동연구 Vol.32 No.3

In this paper I have presented a linguistic and rhetorical analysis of the three speeches used by Hosni Mubarak the former president of Egypt in his last weeks in power. I have originally named the discourse delivered by Mubarak to address the uprisings as the type of ‘democratic discourse’, expecting for myself that he would positively respond to the democratic demands from the Egyptian public in his speeches. But the analysis showed that he followed strategies, passing through a series of stages as earlier strategies failed. In this context, he chose to take a hard line initially but quickly grew more conciliatory as he grew more desperate. He tried to appease protesters with his rhetoric but despite his attempt to use the discourse of unity, patriotism and change, his discourse was regarded as deceptive and lacking credibility. The language of Mubarak`s three speeches is not different from his previous speeches delivered during his past dictatorial rule. It became obvious that this was contradictory to the purpose of delivering the speeches which is to present the regime`s changed look in an attempt to save the regime. Rather, his speeches were lack of seriousness and seemed likely to be seen as an attempt to cling to power rather than take concrete steps to solve some of the pressing problems facing the Egyptians. Therefore, as a result of the analysis, it turned out to be the typical type of ‘dictatorial speech’ contrary to my expectation. not so different from his previous speeches. Mubarak had never had the rhetorical flair of either Abdel Nasser or Sadat but rather his delivery was monotonous. It can be also concluded that Mubarak used more rhetorical strategies from the emotional aspects than from the rational and logical aspects.

혁명의 언어: 아랍 민주화 혁명에 나타난 시위 구호의 언어 및 수사 분석 -튀니지와 이집트를 중심으로-

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 한국아랍어아랍문학회 2016 아랍어와 아랍문학 Vol.20 No.1

In this paper, as a genre of political discourse, I have attempted to analyze the slogans used by the Egyptian public in the process of Arab democratization. Slogans are designed to be chanted, exclaimed or shouted by people in public, thus appealing to people’s sense of hearing. Posters are designed to be written, and hence appeal to people’s sense of vision. This paper explores both political slogans, placards and posters from the linguistic and rhetoric viewpoint. It analyzes their linguistic structure, formal pattern and the implicit presuppositions they contain. It argues that, from a formal point of view, slogans and posters represent the political demands and attitudes of the protesters.

초청강연 : 멀티미디어를 활용한 레바논 지역의 이해

사희만 ( Hee Man Sah ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2000 지중해지역연구 Vol.2 No.-