‘1907년 체제’와 일본의 외교정책

방광석 한국일본학회 2024 日本學報 Vol.138 No.-

1920∼30년대 간토(關東)지역 ‘재일조선인’ 사회의 형성과 지역사회

방광석 고려대학교 역사연구소 2009 사총 Vol.68 No.-

本稿は、1920∼30年代の東京․神奈川など関東地域を対象にし、在日朝鮮人の集団居住地を中心に朝鮮人労働者の労働状況、住居状況、生活実態などを再構成したものである。在日朝鮮人社会の形成と構造、地域社会との疎通を対立と葛藤の側面ではなく、交流と共存という側面からアプローチしようとした。 東京を中心とする関東地域の在日朝鮮人社会は、1923年の関東大震災以後、本格的に形成されていった。20年代の初めまでは苦学生や男性単身労働者で構成されていたが、20年代の半ばからは純然な労働者と家族世帯が増えながら、東京周辺の中小零細工場地域やスラム地域に二百から三百人規模の朝鮮人密集地が現れた。それが1930年代にはもっと大きな集団居住地へ発展していったが、それも地域人口の大多数を占めることはほとんどなく、孤立․分散的に存在したと言える。 関東地域の在日朝鮮人はほとんど労働者であり、日本人より劣悪な状況での生活しなければならなかった。朝鮮人労働者は日本人労働者に比べ労働条件が悪かったため収入も20%から30%ほど低かったが、苦しい生活のなかで勤倹節約し、余ったお金を貯蓄したり朝鮮の家族へ送金したりした。日本人雇い主からみれば、朝鮮人労働者の勤務態度は良好であるが、勤続日数が短くよく転職することが問題であった。肉体労働では日本人より優秀であり、業務に熟練されると生産量も増加したという。 1920年代後半から在日朝鮮人の定住化が進展するにしたがって、相互扶助․貧困者救済․職業紹介などを目的とする朝鮮人団体が各地で作られた。これらの活動を通じて在日朝鮮人は強い社会的結合を維持しながら、地域社会の日本人と対立または友好関係を結んでいった。朝鮮人だけの特定の職場や居住地があったわけではないので、日本人との接触は自然に行われた。 朝鮮人と日本人がぶつかる生活上の一番大きいことは住宅賃貸問題であった。また、衛生問題をめぐってもときどき摩擦が起ったが、日本人と朝鮮人との仲よさを示す事例を多くあった。しかし、住宅問題などで朝鮮人居住地は日本人居住地から遮断されており、活発な交流は行われなく、全般的に疎遠な関係を維持したといえる。

‘제국헌법’과 明治天皇

방광석 일본사학회 2007 일본역사연구 Vol.26 No.-

This study discusses the development of Dajokan System and the legislative processes of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan in early Meiji Era, as an effort to examine the relations between royal authority and constitutional system in early assembly days. Mutsuhito, the Meiji Emperor, was throned as an absolute monarch by Meiji Restoration and given absolute power bestowed by the Constitution. Meiji Restoration returned political power to the emperor which was divided into warlords during Edo era. However, Mutsuhito did not execute the absolute power given to him, and did not govern in person. In fact, all political decisions were made by the higher officers in government and sent to the Emperor who accepted them without objection. Later in the 1880s, Mutsuhito became less reserved and much more came forward to express his own opinion, but nevertheless followed the administrative decisions by his cabinet when his opinion conflicted with them. Under the constitutional system, he did not perform his sovereignty actively. He occasionally functioned as an arbitrator only when there were urgent needs of intervention in conflicts amongst the cabinet members or between the cabinet and the assembly. Mutsuhito became an emperor who satisfied both the Hanbatsu bureaucrats and the legislators; however, none could expect the successive emperor would adapt his ideas and follow his example. In addition, the difference between the people's understanding of the status and power of emperor under the empire constitution system and the bureaucrats' understanding of those should be noted. The general public perceived the sovereignty of emperor as absolute, but the actual performance of that power was restrained by the administrative officers. This limitation was inherent in Meiji rule which was enthroned by heterogeneous groups, and also in the intention of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan.

일본 근현대사 연구의 동향, 2016~2017

방광석 역사학회 2018 역사학보 Vol.0 No.239

In this paper, the research findings of Japanese modern history published in Korea in 2016 and 2017 were summarized, their trends were examined and tasks were suggested. First, as for their characteristics, the researches tend to be social and cultural. The study on culture media, tourism, entertainment and so on, which had not been focused on enough before, has been conducted, and the researches using pictures, postcards, public performances and etc. as historical records are outstanding. Second, the study on the era when the modern nation was established in the second half of the 19th century has decreased while that on ‘the Japanese empire’ in the 20th century has increased. In particular, the research on the relation between ‘the Japanese empire’ and Korea as its colony is expected to continue to increase. Third, the study on the Japanese residents in Korea has been rapidly growing as well as that on the Korean residents in Japan which has increased recently. Fourth, researches on the urban history are gradually increasing. The study on the Japanese society centered around the Japanese settlement and cities, such as in Seoul, Incheon and Busan, is expected to increase. Fifth, compared to research theses and translations, the publication of studies is very little. It should be encouraged for the spread of the research outcome. 본고에서는 2016년과 2017년에 발표된 한국 국내의 일본근현대사 관련 연구성과를 정리하여 그 동향을 살펴보고 과제를 제시하였다. 그 특징을 언급하면, 먼저 연구경향이 정치, 외교에서 사회, 문화 쪽으로 많이 기울었다. 이전에는 충분히 주목하지 못했던 문화매체, 관광, 오락 등에 관한 연구가 진행되었고 그림, 엽서, 대중공연 등을 사료로 활용한 연구들이 눈에 띈다. 둘째, 19세기 후반 근대국가 성립기에 관한 연구가 줄어들고 20세기 ‘제국일본’에 관한 연구가 늘어나고 있다. 특히 ‘제국일본’과 식민지 조선의 관계에 대한 연구는 꾸준히 늘 것으로 예상된다. 셋째, 이전부터 증가하고 있는 재일조선인 연구와 함께 조선 거주 일본인에 대한 연구도 급증하고 있다. 피지배자이자 차별의 대상이고 하층민이 많은 재일조선인과 재조일본인은 지배자이고 상층민이 많은 차이점이 존재하여 대조적인 연구 양상을 보이고 있다. 넷째, 도시사 연구가 점차 늘고 있다는 것이다. 경성 및 인천, 부산 등 일본인 거류지와 도시를 중심으로 한 일본인 사회에 관한 연구가 더욱 늘어날 것으로 보인다. 다섯째, 연구논문과 번역서에 비해 연구서의 출간이 매우 미진하다. 연구 성과의 확산을 위해서도 연구서의 출간이 권장되어야 할 것이다. 아울러 지금까지 한국에서 메이지유신을 비롯한 일본 근대국가 형성에 관한 연구가 의외로 저조하였는데, 올해 메이지유신 150년을 기해 관련 연구가 활발히 진행되어 학계에 자극을 줄 것으로 기대한다. 최근 정치, 경제적 요인 등으로 한일관계가 악화됨에 따라 일본사 연구도 위축되고 있다 이러한 상황을 타개하기 위해서는 알기 쉬운 대중서를 간행하고 대학의 특강, 시민강좌 등을 개최함으로써 일본사학계가 자발적으로 대중성을 확보하기 위해 노력할 필요가 있다.

德富蘇峰의 동아시아 인식 - 청일전쟁부터 한국병합 시기를 중심으로-

방광석 동북아역사재단 2010 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.27

The study examines the views on East Asia held by Tokutomi Soho (1863-1957), an influential journalist and historian in modern Japan. This study focuses on his views of East Asian countries like China and Korea especially from the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) to the annexation of Korea (1910), when he shifted to nationalistic and imperialist logics. Tokutomi's views on East Asia were related to the Datsuaron (Advocacy of Escape from Asia) He argued that Japan equipped with Western civilization could be separated from its East Asian neighbors like China and Korea, which were still barbaric and lacked the ability to transform themselves into civilized countries. Then, China and Korea were seen not so much a part of alliance with Japan in resistance against the inroad of Western powers as an object of Japanese expansionism. As an influential journalist, Tokutomi played a leading role in promoting these imperialist views. Such Tokutomi's views remained unchanged even after his firsthand contacts with China and Korea. He travelled China for a long time in 1906 (right after the Russo-Japanese War) and again in 1917 (right after the World War I). Although, he subscribed to the policy of friendly relation with China, rescinding the idea of dividing China, he repeated his unchanging views on China that the Chinese lacked modern consciousness of nation, and that they were imbued with debilitating literary values and private personal interests, which hindered them from reforming their country and society. With regard to Korea, he maintained that Koreans were so corrupt and lazy that they were unable to achieve civilization on their own, thus justifying its annexation by Japan. In justifying Japan's aggression against Korea by its role of civilizing mission, lied his deep sense of disdain and discrimination against Korea, which remained uncivilized to his eyes. The views of Tokutomi were also shared by contemporary Japanese leaders and intellectuals. He tried to be an initiator in proposing a variety of imperialist foreign policy suited to changing circumstances. Therefore, he put forth the theory of harmony of Eastern and Western civilizations, when his Datsuaron lost practical significance due to the Russo-Japanese War and the theory of yellow peril. Later, when Japan pursued with expansionist policy after the World War I, he advanced pan-Asianism, departing from the idea of Peaceful expansionism. His views on East Asia were in line with the course of Japanese imperialism, maintaining consistency in rationalizing and theorizing the expansionism of Japanese empire. 본 연구에서는 언론인자 역사가로서 근대일본의 전반에 큰 영향력을 미친 도쿠토미 소호(徳富蘇峰)의 동아시아 인식을 살펴본 것이다. 특히 청일전쟁 이후 한국병합 시기에 걸쳐 도쿠토미가 국가주의, 제국주의의 입장으로 선회하면서 조선과 중국 등 동아시아에 대한 인식을 어떻게 구체화시켜 나갔는지를 추적하였다. 도쿠토미의 동아시아 인식은 ‘脫亞論’에 근거를 두고 있었다. 일본은 서양과 같은 문명을 구비하고 있어 ‘아시아적’이지 않으며, 중국과 조선 등 주변 아시아 국가는 기본적으로 야만적이어서 스스로 문명화할 수 없다고 보았다. 따라서 주변 나라가 일본과 마찬가지로 구미열강의 침략에 대항하는 동일한 입장을 갖고 있다는 측면은 무시되고 구미열강과 일본의 팽창의 대상으로만 파악했다. 도쿠토미는 언론활동을 통해 이러한 제국주의적 동아시아 인식을 주도했다. 도쿠토미의 동아시아 인식은 직접적인 견문을 통해서도 크게 바뀌지 않았다. 그는 러일전쟁 직후인 1906년과 제1차 세계대전 후인 1917년 두 차례에 걸쳐 장기간 중국을 여행했다. 그 사이 ‘지나분할론’에서 ‘지나친선’론으로 대외정책론은 변모를 보였으나 중국과 중국인에 대한 기본적 인식은 변하지 않았다. 중국인에게는 근대적인 국가의식이 없다든가 중국은 ‘文弱’하고 개인의 ‘이해관계’만 앞세워 스스로 개혁의 가능성이 없다고 파악했다. 조선에 관해서도 조선은 매우 부패하고 조선인은 게으르므로 스스로 문명화할 수 없으며 시대의 대세로 보아 일본에 의한 병합은 어쩔 수 없다며 식민통치를 정당화했다. 그 밑바탕에는 조선사회를 ‘야만’사회로 보는 멸시감과 차별의식이 뿌리 깊게 깔려 있었다. 따라서 일본에 의한 ‘문명화’를 강조하며 침략을 합리화해 나갔던 것이다. 이러한 인식은 당시 일본정부나 대부분의 일본지식인의 생각과 크게 다르지 않았다. 오히려 도쿠토미는 ‘제국주의’국가 일본의 전략을 미리 제시하고 그것을 선도하려고 하였다. 따라서 상황에 따라 구체적인 대외정책론을 변화시켜 나갔다. 러일전쟁과 ‘황화론’을 통해 ‘탈아론’이 논리적 현실성을 잃자 ‘동서문명조화론’을 내세웠으며, 제1차대전 후 일본이 중국에 대한 침략을 실행해나가자 ‘평화적 팽창주의’에서 ‘아시아주의’로 나아갔다. 그는 꾸준히 일본의 대외팽창을 합리화하고 이론화하며 일본제국주의와 운명을 같이했다고 볼 수 있다.

일본의 한국침략정책과 伊藤博文-統監府 시기를 중심으로-

방광석 일본사학회 2010 일본역사연구 Vol.32 No.-

The perceptions on Ito Hirobumi contrast in Korea and Japan; compared to the image of the imperialist and aggressor who led the colonial occupation and usurped Korea's diplomatic rights in Korea, Japan evaluates him as the foremost contributor of the construction of modern country who initiated writing the Constitution. The differences arise from the fact that scholars had focused on parts of Ito's words and actions. Instead, Ito's Korean policy needs to be understood considering his political position and thoughts as a whole. This paper discusses how Ito pursued policy making process by confronting and cooperating with other leaders, concentrating on the period between the Russo-Japanese War and the annexation of Korea. After appointed to be a Resident-General, Ito began the occupation process with the "protective rule" idea. However, facing the oppositions from Japan and abroad, he switched to assume the domestic policies under the "substantial annexation" plan. This change was made through the cooperation and arbitration with other executives. When Ito faced with the fierce resistance of Koreans, he adopted the "immediate annexation" line. Ito responded to the changing atmospheres, accepted opinions from various political groups, and tried to implement the policies harmoniously. Far from asserting himself, Ito revised his plan considering practicality. This practical attitude stood out in his occupation policy in Korea. Ito came to Korea as a Resident-General to command the colonial occupation in full demand. It is likely that he considered the possibility of annexation from the beginning; however, he took Korean domestic situation and international politics into account, and decided that the protective rule was suitable. And later Ito thought that the annexation was feasible after the colonial system was established in Korea and Japan received the recognition from the western powers. In these regards, different from other political forces, Ito preferred a progressive occupation plan and took a more cautious position in changing policies.

‘이토 히로부미 저격사건’에 대한 각국 언론의 반응과 일본정부의 인식 - 일본외무성 외교사료관 소장자료를 중심으로 -

방광석 동북아역사재단 2010 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.30

본 연구는 국제적 측면에서 일본의 ‘한국병합’과정을 해명하기 위한 작업의 일환으로 언론 논조를 중심으로 '이토 히로부미 저격사건'에 대한 중국과 러시아 및 서양 각국의 반응을 살펴본 것이다. 구체적으로는 일본외무성 외교사료관에 소장된 「伊藤公爵滿洲視察一件」(외무성기록 문서번호 4.2.5 245-1∼5)에 실려 있는 「伊藤公爵遭難ニ關シ各國人ノ態度竝新聞論調」(245-2)를 검토, 분석하였다. 그 결과를 요약하면 중국에서는 조선과 마찬가지로 일본의 침략을 받은 입장에서 이토의 죽음에 냉담한 반응을 보이거나 이토를 죽인 안중근에 행위에 동조하는 한편, 이토가 죽더라고 일본의 정책은 바뀌지 않을 것이라는 입장에서 일본의 중국침략에 경계감을 드러냈다. 홍콩의 신문들은 전반적으로 일본이 한국을 억압하고 있다고 인정하면서도 이토를 높이 평가하고 안중근의 이토 사살에 부정적인 반응을 보였다. 그러나 이 사건을 계기로 일본이 본격적으로 중국을 침략할 것이라고 우려한 점에서는 중국 신문들과 같은 견해를 나타냈다. 러시아의 언론은 안중근의 이토 저격에 동정을 표하면서도 이 사건이 러시아의 지배권이 미치는 지역에서 발생했기 때문에 사건의 책임이 러시아에 없다는 것을 강조해 러일관계가 악화되는 것을 우려했다. 반면 앞으로의 일본의 대외정책에 대한 전망은 충분히 제시하지 않고 신중한 입장을 취했다. 미국의 언론 논조는 대체적으로 일본에 우호적이었으며 이토의 죽음으로 일본의 한국정책에 근본적인 변화가 일어나지는 않을 것으로 보았다. 오스트리아, 이탈리아, 스웨덴, 노르웨이, 프랑스 등 유럽의 신문들은 일부에서 일본의 한국지배를 비판하고 안중근의 행동에 긍정적인 평가를 내리기도 하였으나 대체적으로 동아시아 정세에 무지하여 잘못된 사실을 오보하거나 피상적인 관찰이 많았다. ‘이토 히로부미 저격사건’에 관한 각국 언론의 논조는 이토의 사망으로 인해 일본의 한국정책에 근본적인 변화는 없을 것이라는 것이 대부분이었다. 중국에서는 열강의 침략을 받고 있다는 동병상린의 입장에서 안중근의 행동에 크게 자극받았으나, 구미 각국에서는 일본의 한국정책에 대한 비판론이 거의 나오지 않았다. 결국 ‘이토 히로부미 저격사건’이 서양 열강에 큰 영향을 미치지 못했으며, 그들은 ‘한국병합’으로 나아가는 일본의 한국지배정책에 별다른 이의를 제기하지 않고 사실상 묵인했다고 할 수 있다. This study examines the reactions of China, Russia, and the Western nations to the assassination of Ito Hirobumi through their press editorials, so as to illustrate the international perspective regarding Japan’s annexation of Korea. The major source reviewed and analyzed is the 「伊藤公爵遭難ニ關シ各國人ノ態度竝新聞論調」(245-2) 「Regarding Marquis Ito’s accident, the attitudes and newspaper editorials of foreign powers」 included in the 「伊藤公爵滿洲視察一件」(Ministry of Foreign Affairs Document number 4.2.5 245-1∼5) 「Marquis Ito’s visit to Manchuria」 preserved at the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. In sum, the Chinese press showed cold reaction to the death of Ito, or even expressed a sympathy with the An Chunggun’s action, reflecting China’s plight as a victim of Japanese aggression like Korea. It was also very suspicious of the aggressive intent of Japan’s policy against China, which would remain unchanged regardless of the death of Ito. In the meantime, the newspapers published at Hong Kong, while admitting that Japan was oppressive to Korea, in general showed negative reaction to the An’s assassination of Ito, to whom they awarded a high credit. Yet, they echoed the Chinese press’s fear that Japan would all the more aggressive toward China in the aftermath of this incidence. The Russian press, while showing a sympathy with the An’s action, still expressed the misgiving that the incidence might negatively affect the Russo-Japanese relation, because the incidence took place within the jurisdiction of Russia. It tried to remain neutral and cautions, emphasizing that Russia had nothing to do with the responsibility for the incidence, and refraining from offering the clear prospect of Japanese foreign policy. The U.S. press was in general favorable to Japan, predicting no radical change in Japan’s policy toward Korea. Some of European newspapers from Austria, Italy, Sweden, Norway, and France offered a sympathetic view of the An’s action and criticized Japan’s oppressive control of Korea, but most of them reported mistaken facts, or superficial observations owing to the lack of knowledge on East Asian politics. The general consensus among the foreign press was that no radical change of Japan’s foreign policy could be anticipated in the ftermath of Ito’s death. The Chinese press with the same anti-Japanese sentiment like Koreans was greatly excited at the An’s action, whereas the Western press was more or less silent in the criticism against Japan’s policy toward Korea. In short, An Chunggun’s assassination of Ito Hirobumi had little impact on the Western perspective on Japan’s policy toward Korea, which tacitly acknowledged Japan’s colonization of Korea without any meaningful criticism.

明治 官僚의 유럽 ‘지식순례’

방광석 일본사학회 2006 일본역사연구 Vol.23 No.-

1920∼30년대 간토(關東)지역 ‘재일조선인’ 사회의 형성과 지역사회

방광석 역사학연구회 2009 사총 Vol.88 No.-

本稿は、1920∼30年代の東京․神奈川など関東地域を対象にし、在日朝鮮人の集団居住地を中心に朝鮮人労働者の労働状況、住居状況、生活実態などを再構成したものである。在日朝鮮人社会の形成と構造、地域社会との疎通を対立と葛藤の側面ではなく、交流と共存という側面からアプローチしようとした。 東京を中心とする関東地域の在日朝鮮人社会は、1923年の関東大震災以後、本格的に形成されていった。20年代の初めまでは苦学生や男性単身労働者で構成されていたが、20年代の半ばからは純然な労働者と家族世帯が増えながら、東京周辺の中小零細工場地域やスラム地域に二百から三百人規模の朝鮮人密集地が現れた。それが1930年代にはもっと大きな集団居住地へ発展していったが、それも地域人口の大多数を占めることはほとんどなく、孤立․分散的に存在したと言える。 関東地域の在日朝鮮人はほとんど労働者であり、日本人より劣悪な状況での生活しなければならなかった。朝鮮人労働者は日本人労働者に比べ労働条件が悪かったため収入も20%から30%ほど低かったが、苦しい生活のなかで勤倹節約し、余ったお金を貯蓄したり朝鮮の家族へ送金したりした。日本人雇い主からみれば、朝鮮人労働者の勤務態度は良好であるが、勤続日数が短くよく転職することが問題であった。肉体労働では日本人より優秀であり、業務に熟練されると生産量も増加したという。 1920年代後半から在日朝鮮人の定住化が進展するにしたがって、相互扶助․貧困者救済․職業紹介などを目的とする朝鮮人団体が各地で作られた。これらの活動を通じて在日朝鮮人は強い社会的結合を維持しながら、地域社会の日本人と対立または友好関係を結んでいった。朝鮮人だけの特定の職場や居住地があったわけではないので、日本人との接触は自然に行われた。 朝鮮人と日本人がぶつかる生活上の一番大きいことは住宅賃貸問題であった。また、衛生問題をめぐってもときどき摩擦が起ったが、日本人と朝鮮人との仲よさを示す事例を多くあった。しかし、住宅問題などで朝鮮人居住地は日本人居住地から遮断されており、活発な交流は行われなく、全般的に疎遠な関係を維持したといえる。

‘1907년 체제’와 일본의 외교정책

방광석 한국일본학회 2024 日本學報 Vol.- No.138

After the Russo-Japanese War, Japan established cooperative diplomatic relations with Western powers such as Britain, Russia, and France and expanded its power to secure stable interests in East Asia, including the invasion of Korea and Manchuria. This paper examines this process from the perspective of the formation process of the “1907 System” in East Asia. Before and after the Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty, the international situation in East Asia developed in Japan's favor. In 1905, when Britain requested an expansion and revision of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the second Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed, and through the Katsura-Taft Agreement and the Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty, Japan was able to protect Korea under the understanding of the powers. The 1907 France-Japan Convention, the Russo-Japanese Convention, and the Anglo-Russian Negotiations, in conjunction with the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, formed “1907 System”, which was a cooperative system of the powers in East Asia. This provided Japan with a free-hand on Korean control and acted toward allowing Japan's annexation of Korea through the 2nd and 3rd Russo-Japanese Conventions and the 3rd Anglo-Japanese Alliance, as well as creating an environment favorable for Japan to expand its invasion into Manchuria and mainland China. This diplomatic system was maintained until World War I and influenced East Asian international politics.