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A Note on the Locality of Covert Movement
박범식 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.3
It is well known that certain types of covert movement (or LF movement) is quire local in that they are clause-bounded. Quantifier Raising is known to be one of such types of movement. This paper further demonstrates that covert focus movement and covert wh-movement in English are subject to the same locality restriction. Following Pesetsky (2000) (but contra Chomsky 1999, 2000), this paper also argues that covert phrasal movement exists.
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Te을 첨가한 ZnO 세라믹에 대한 Vickers 경도의 온도 의존성
박범식,진광수,김형국,황윤회 부산대학교 유전체물성연구소 2005 유전체 논문집 Vol.4 No.
Te을 극소량 첨가한 ZnO 세라믹을 1200℃, 5 hr 동안 소성시킨 후 몰 조성비(0≤x≤0.05)와 온도(295~500K)의 함수로서 Vickers 경도값을 측정하였다. 이 세라믹의 경도값은 측정온도가 높아질수록 감소하였으며, 조성비 x에 따라서 감소하였다. 한 편 측정온도에 따른 경도값으로부터 구한 전위운동의 활성화 에너지는 조성비 x가 증가할수록 0.39 eV에서 0.25 eV로 감소하였다.
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Identifying Null Arguments with Ellipsis
박범식,오세랑 한국생성문법학회 2013 생성문법연구 Vol.23 No.1
Korean allows the null argument construction. In the literature there has been a debate on whether the null argument involves ellipsis (the ellipsis approach) or pro, which can be construed as a bare nominal (the pro approach). In this squib, we argue, following Park and Bae (2012), that the null argument can also involve ellipsis, presenting some new data that can only be accounted for by the ellipsis approach. However, we attempt to argue that the exact identity reading of the null argument can only be obtained by ellipsis, by refuting one of the strong arguments,i.e., the continuation argument, often presented in favor of the pro approach (Hoji 1998, Ahn and Cho 2010; 2012a,b).
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Reparing *-making and Island Violations*
박범식,박자연 한국생성문법학회 2011 생성문법연구 Vol.21 No.3
Since Ross (1969), it has been widely adopted that island violations are ameliorated by ellipsis. Recently, however, Merchant (2004, 2008, 2010) observes that some island-violations that are expected to be ameliorated by ellipsis are not. He claims that XPs that cross an island leave *-features on intermediate traces outside the island node and that island effects will be attested unless the *-features are all deleted. In this squib, however, we argue that Merchant's account is not required and thus should not be adopted by showing that all of the examples Merchant presents can be fully accounted for by an independently motivated requirement, Parallelism (cf. Fox and Lasnik 2003). We also suggest that Chomsky's (1972) analysis of islands, which has been refuted by many authors including Merchant (cf. Chung, Ladusaw, and McClosky 1995), can be resurrected as a viable one.
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Notes on T-to-C Movement and Parallelism in Ellipsis
박범식 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.4
Hartman (2011) argues that head movement takes place in the narrow syntax (contra Chomsky 2000, Boeckx and Stjepanović 2001). His argument comes from the interaction of T-to-C movement and the MaxElide effect in ellipsis. However, Hartman leaves certain sets of data unresolved as a puzzle. This paper attempts to resolve the puzzle and argues that what has not been considered in the puzzle is a Parallelism requirement (in the sense of Fox and Lasnik 2003). The Parallelism considerations will in turn lead us to present some other important problems and issues, and I suggest that these are the real puzzles to be resolved.
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Island Sensitivity in Ellipsis and Its Implications for Movement
박범식 한국생성문법학회 2009 생성문법연구 Vol.19 No.4
It is well known that island violations are ameliorated in English sluicing. Merchant (2001) argues that ellipsis at PF can repair island violations and thus the amelioration effect arises. However, matrix sluicing in Korean is island-sensitive. This paper argues that the island sensitivity arises because the wh-phrase in this environment does not move to CP in overt syntax. This results in a violation of Parallelism (Fiengo and May 1994, Fox and Lasnik 2003). The proposed analysis also accounts for the contrast between matrix sluicing and fragment answers in Korean with respect to island sensitivity.
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Fragments and Ellipsis in Korean
박범식 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.1
There are two views on fragments. On view argues that certain fragments can be derived by ellipsis (Merchant 2004, 2007). The other view opposes this view and argues that fragments are generated as such and by themselves can be interpreted as propositions, assertions and questions (cf. Barton 1990, Stainton 1993, 1994, 1997, 2006). Discussing some fragments in Korean, this paper provides novel arguments in favor of the former. More specifically, this paper examines fragments in Korean, dubbed Pseudogapping, Pseudostripping, and Stripping (Kim 1997), and argues that these constructions are derived by ellipsis.
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박범식 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.2
There has been much debate on how ellipsis is licensed. Critically reviewing previous analyses (cf. Merchant 2001, Rooth 1992b), this paper attempts to provide a licensing condition. This paper argues that syntactic identity gives rise to some problems and that identity should be captured by certain semantic conditions. In so doing, this paper also try to show how scope interpretations obtain in Korean, which is assumed to be a scopally rigid language (cf. Ahn 1990, Sohn 1995).
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Multiple Fragments Do Not Mean Multiple Clauses
박범식,오세랑 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.1
In this squib, we review two recent analyses of multiple fragmentanswers (MFA) in Korean. Ahn and Cho (2013) argue that MFAs arederived from multiple clauses, each fragment being derived from its own(sentential) source. On the other hand, Ahn (2012) suggests an extensionof Lasnik's (2007, 2013) analysis of English multiple sluicing to KoreanMFAs. Discussing their arguments in detail, we argue that these analysescannot be maintained. We show that Korean MFAs are best captured ifwe assume that MFAs are derived from a mono-clause via either ellipsisor pro/cleft, as argued by Park (2013).
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