이라크 사회구조 연구 - 시대별 특성을 중심으로 -

문애희 ( Moon Ai-hee ) 한국이슬람학회 2016 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.26 No.3

There are two versions of foreign invasion in Iraq. The name of the leaders, the militias, the election methods and groupings were changed but Iraqi masses know that their destiny is different from other Arabic streams of democracy movements. How can the Iraqi masses overcome the inside and outside challenges of stubborn dictators and western military intervention? This paper tried to focus on the changes of social structure from the English mandate to the Coalition Provisional Authority. The aim of the paper is to register the patterns of middle classes of the Iraqi social structure through periods because most of the middle class are believed to have left the country or are not settled in where they were. On the basis of my previous outcome about the middle class of Egypt, this paper chased the bourgeois, and middle and lower middle class like middle level of religious leaders, petty bourgeois, low civil servants, and professionals in the main cities. Because of the foreign military invasion the tribal structure in the rural area was activated. The Urban social structure is classified by the concept of income, the education, and the social status but the tribal structure is classified by the function and the social status. It is worth of commenting that some tribes have been kept both of Sunni and Shia. Iraqi government has to guarantee in the constitution that all the property of Iraqis is belong to them according to their previous registration. The bad habits of the revenge between the sectarians or among tribes must be prohibited by the law. All the Iraqi refugees in foreign countries have better try to participate in the process of rebuilding the society either by internet or Arabic media not on the basis of confessionals but of mutual cooperation. Korean government also has to give the instructions to the construction companies in order to contribute in the domain of the education and the medical services in peace time and to prepare for safety strategy in emergency. It will at the end attain to the bilateral development besides the economic effects. It is not obvious that the political leaders would compromise the problem of Kirkuk area or indulge in the civil war because of the several factors. This paper suggested the urgent rebuilding of the lower middle class by reason that they contributed for building the healthy industrial structure under the Iraqi system. And they have better work as an engine of growth and the restraint of civil war. The dictatorship of Sadam Husain was a kind of malicious necessary stage to be overcome in the way of process of democracy but the American invasion made Iraq fallen into the transitional or the turmoil stage again. It is only a focus on economic development for the national reconciliation and unity as their healing policy that can provide the Iraqi society with the next stage.

『나무들과 마르주끄 암살』소설 연구

문애희(Moon Ai-Hee) 한국중동학회 2004 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.24 No.2

  `Abd al-Ra?m?n Mun?f belongs to hybrid cultural minorities who have shown up not only their own country"s issues but also common backgrounds of Arab society.<BR>  「The Trees and the Assassination of Marz?q」deals with the intellectual"s sense of loss and this protagonist, Mans?r shows his deep concerns about history and feels depressed since he was dismissed from the university. He thinks that the modern history should be written again and his wish for changing the world reflects many Arab intellectuals" sense of loss. Through the text, his anguish is developed into his insanity especially when his colleague Marz?q is assassinated. Here the text describes Marz?q as Mans?r"s soul. The protagonist"s feeling of responsibility for his duty and his struggle for keeping the history true succeed in appealing to any national readers.<BR>  This text is relatively different from the main stream of the Arabic novels by his immediate predecessors. First, the oral narration is apparent. And it shows, in its introductory part, the literary moods of the J?hiliyya poetry‘s introduction part which is called Nas?b. When Mans?r leaves his homeland in the beginning of the text, nostalgia prevails like most of Nas?b of the poetry in the period of J?hiliyya.<BR>  Secondly, Mans?r meets Ily?s who has experienced many kinds of jobs in the city and their meeting resembles the role of the narrator and the hero in the Maq?mah genre of the Arabic literature. They meet when the protagonist travels and Ily?s is a kind of a vagrant but also a man who knows something special like heros in the Maq?mah. Ily?s tells him his episodes like the heros in the Maq?mah. When the protagonist justifies behavior of Ily?s and starts their friendly departure, it can also be comparable with Maq?mah"s basic scheme.<BR>  Thirdly, the protagonist"s failure of writing the true modern Arabic history and failure of Ily?s to keep his trees alive are deployed as parallel lines and a journalist makes the text the incomplete frame story in the part of the conclusion. These narratives draw attention to the texture of 「Alf Layla wa Layla」especially on the points of the connection method between the protagonist"s experiences and the sub anecdotes.<BR>  The combination of a classical format in the text and the cultural codes like desert, thorn, trees as nostalgia for the past suggest that the writer tries to approach to the indigenous narrative. By comparison with other intellectuals and the mixing of the modes in Mun?f"s novels, this thesis follows his creative characteristics.<BR>  The text can be regarded as the writer"s focus on forming the ideological viewpoint of the intellectual through his ontological crisis. Although the text is not considered as his mature artistic stage, it shows a good starting point to form the Arabic counternarrative.

이집트 사회계층과 시민사회 연구

문애희(Moon Ai-hee) 한국중동학회 2008 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.29 No.1

  The concept of civil society is disputed among western and muslim scholars stemmed from different cultures. As a standpoint of a Korean scholar, this paper is focused on the classification of three classes in Egypt. Especially the middle class is divided into higher and lower groups based on urban or rural dwelling. The social classes of Egypt is classified by the legal relationships to land, the income, and cultural approachability.<BR>  Many groups and associations have been existed in Egypt but the reason they could not work properly as a buffer between the state and the mass is that the state has had a role of the main provider.<BR>  Economic liberalization with the globalization resulted in the emergence of new private monopolies, oligopolies and crony-capitalism. The long period of presidency with its authorities blocked the market inside politics. The national entrepreneurial bourgeoisie was not strong enough to build their own public space immune to the power of the statesmen class.<BR>  The working class could not challenge the power since most of unions are controlled by the government. Especially the lower and middle classes were damaged most because of the continuing reduction of subsidies and returnees from gulf countries after Gulf war.<BR>  Besides the new law 96 which removed the right to inherit a tenancy by ignoring the inherited interconnectedness of tenancy structure resulted to evict tenants. Accordingly, I found that so many citizens have been degraded from the middle class to the deprived.<BR>  Impediments of building sound civil society are related into the foreign debts, the authority"s emergency law and radical Islamic movements. It is obvious that the "Kefaya" movement, 20 percent of seats for the Brotherhood in 2005 parliamentary elections, and the bread riots in this year are a way of desperate seeking for an alternative channel of social and political change.<BR>  How mild political powers can control all other radical powers should be figured out. The progress of politics has to lead the economic disaster even in the theoretical domain since the economy collapsed. It is no time for hiding political chaos into the bread riot only.

『나의 이모 싸피야와 수도원』소설연구

문애희(Moon Ai Hee) 한국중동학회 2011 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.32 No.1

Three years ago, I focused on the Korean scholars’ role for Egypt’s process of the democratization and the presence of the politics of the streets in the Middle East countries in my thesis. As a literary reference I chose a novel of Bahā’ Ṭāhir since I could find the proper role of the middle class through the narrator’s father and the Miqaddis Bishai. This article examines death, love and nostalgia through the perspective of Egyptian writer Bahā’ Ṭāhir as depicted in his novel Khālatī Ṣafiyya wal-Dayr , serialized in 1991. With his own apprehension, the writer writes his remark before starting the novel in order to keep distance from the unnecessary Arabic critique due to the Muslims and Copts in the novel. From the beginning nostalgia of the peaceful moments of a narrator’s childhood is narrated with a lyrical tone. Although the novel does not deal with the conflicts between Egyptian Muslims and Copts, readers with a political background from the periods around 1967 and the nineties can easily relate to why the writer reminisces about those old days. The article explores the writer’s technique of avoiding Egyptian censorship while having great concerns about methods of social change. The narrator recollects his memories with his aunt Ṣafiyya and Harbi in the first domain where there is an important role of the miqaddis Bishai and the narrator's father who help Harbi from the power of Bey and from the customs of revenge of Safiyya when the Bey is killed by Harbi. The death of Bey, Harbi, and Ṣafiyya can be translated into the writer’s powerless state of role in his country since he had been in the exile. The image of power in Bey results in Harbi’s death after his torture created by his suspicion of the rumor and the trivial accident. The wealth of the Bey, after his wife Ṣafiyya has their son, drives them to worry about Harbi who is only one relative of the Bey and also a potential threat to their son. When Ṣafiyya confesses of her love for Harbi in her comma, it is the image of her love which does not come true nor is expressed in front of him at least once. From this sentence, the readers are able to understand at which point this woman’s emotion was blocked. The narrator’s father and the miqaddis Bishai are always present at most accidents and events as helpers and arbitrators with the wisdom of the former on the one hand and with the instincts of the miqaddis on the other hand. In addition to the relationships between these characters, the conflicts between dwellers in Sayyid area and the outlaws who became social trouble makers outspokenly after 1967 Sinai disaster compel the narrator to ask frequently, especially in the end. The style of questions involves the writer’s concerns for his country. This article points out the characteristics of Bahā’ Ṭāhir’s concise and polished style. The novel is written in the modern standard Arabic even between the narrator and his father. The writer seems to care less about the real situation in rural area from the view points that the language in the novel is at the end of his creative literary language. In spite of the short length of the novel, the long lingering imagery and its suggestiveness make the novel different from any other Egyptian novels. Korean scholars already know how difficult it is.

알제리 현대 여성소설 연구

문애희 ( Ai Hee Moon ) 한국이슬람학회 2006 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.16 No.1

이라크 사회구조 연구 -시대별 특성을 중심으로-

문애희 ( Ai Hee Moon ) 한국이슬람학회 2012 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.22 No.3

There are two versions of foreign invasion in Iraq. The name of the leaders, the militias, the election methods and groupings were changed but Iraqi masses know that their destiny is different from other Arabic streams of democracy movements. How can the Iraqi masses overcome the inside and outside challenges of stubborn dictators and western military intervention? This paper tried to focus on the changes of social structure from the English mandate to the Coalition Provisional Authority. The aim of the paper is to register the patterns of middle classes of the Iraqi social structure through periods because most of the middle class are believed to have left the country or are not settled in where they were. On the basis of my previous outcome about the middle class of Egypt, this paper chased the bourgeois, and middle and lower middle class like middle level of religious leaders, petty bourgeois, low civil servants, and professionals in the main cities. Because of the foreign military invasion the tribal structure in the rural area was activated. The Urban social structure is classified by the concept of income, the education, and the social status but the tribal structure is classified by the function and the social status. It is worth of commenting that some tribes have been kept both of Sunni and Shia. Iraqi government has to guarantee in the constitution that all the property of Iraqis is belong to them according to their previous registration. The bad habits of the revenge between the sectarians or among tribes must be prohibited by the law. All the Iraqi refugees in foreign countries have better try to participate in the process of rebuilding the society either by internet or Arabic media not on the basis of confessionals but of mutual cooperation. Korean government also has to give the instructions to the construction companies in order to contribute in the domain of the education and the medical services in peace time and to prepare for safety strategy in emergency. It will at the end attain to the bilateral development besides the economic effects. It is not obvious that the political leaders would compromise the problem of Kirkuk area or indulge in the civil war because of the several factors. This paper suggested the urgent rebuilding of the lower middle class by reason that they contributed for building the healthy industrial structure under the Iraqi system. And they have better work as an engine of growth and the restraint of civil war. The dictatorship of Sadam Husain was a kind of malicious necessary stage to be overcome in the way of process of democracy but the American invasion made Iraq fallen into the transitional or the turmoil stage again. It is only a focus on economic development for the national reconciliation and unity as their healing policy that can provide the Iraqi society with the next stage.

現代 아랍시 發展에 나타난 文學運動

문애희 韓國外國語大學校 中東問題硏究所 1987 硏究論叢 Vol.1987 No.6

현대 이집트 인의 고독과 고뇌 : 나지브 마흐푸즈 작품속의 인간상을 중심으로

문애희 한국중동학회 1985 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.6 No.1