메리 E. 위너스-행크스 著, 노영순 譯, 『젠더의 역사』 역사비평사, 2006

文秀鉉(Mun Soo-Hyun) (서평자) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 歷史敎育 Vol.101 No.-

근대 국가 형성과 운하 건설 -빌헬름 제국기를 중심으로-

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 수선사학회 2009 史林 Vol.0 No.33

Andreas Schirmered., Koreans and Central Europeans

Mun, Soo-Hyun(문수현) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.230

국가와 폭력 -국가가 실패하는 순간에 대한 고찰

문수현(Mun, Soo-Hyun) 역사비평사 2020 역사비평 Vol.- No.131

This article started with the definition of violence and then examined the views of Western thinkers about the relationship between state and violence, reflecting on the mechanism of “moment” of state failure in which the state used violence against its citizens under the pretext of law and protection of public interest, and finally introduced the latest researches on the “state terrorism”. When it comes to the definition of violence, recent studies on the definition of violence go into the two opposite directions. On the one hand, there are researches that portray violence as comprehensive as possible, such as structural violence of Galtung and “slow violence” of Rob Nixon. On the other hand, there are researchers such as John Keane, who oppose this comprehensive definition and emphasize the physicality of the concept of violence. Secondly, this article examined the ideas of Carl Schmidt, Walter Benjamin and Hannah Arendt. All three can be categorized as thinkers who paid attention to “the moment of state failures“. Not to mention Carl Schmidt who defined the state of exception as the moment for the sovereign’s ability to transcend the rule of law in the name of the public good and take this moment as the natural part of the state power, Benjamin linked mythical violence to the principle of power, not justice, and thereby indicated that the state failure is inevitable. In addition, Arendt, who believes that the essence of the government should be power, not violence, and that, without the will of the people to maintain power, the outbreak of violence is inevitable. Thirdly, recent empirical studies of national terrorism also show that we should not divide the global community into two groups, one that already finished the process of civilizing the violence and the other that have it as a future project. In the end, we can say that state can fail at every moment, if its citizens were not ready to defend democracy.

바이마르의 주거난 해소를 위한 모색들 -‘주택강제경제(Wohnungszwangswirtschaft)’와 ‘주택이자세(Hauszinssteuer)’를 중심으로-

문수현 ( Mun¸ Soo-hyun ) 한국서양사학회 2021 西洋史論 Vol.- No.151

This paper examined how “Wohnungszwangswirtschaft” and “Hanszinssteuer,” the two measures to resolve the housing shortage during the Weimar period, were institutionalized. The basic framework of the housing policy during the Weimar Republic was to ensure housing stability for existing tenants through the “Wohnungszwangswirtschaft” and to encourage the building of new houses through public support based on “Hauszinssteuer.” However, the organized housing and landowners’ organizations, Wirtschaftspartei, and the conservative parties represented the position that such measures, which inevitably implied comprehensive intervention in private property, would only hinder the efficient operation of the market. And this conflict emerged as one of the important issues that paralyzed the Weimar coalition system in the late 1920s. The social conflict over whether to strengthen state intervention or market autonomy in the housing sector can be regarded as characteristic of the Weimar period, a typical example of “instability caused by distribution conflicts between different economic sectors and various institutions.” (Hanyang University / munshyun@hanyang.ac.kr)

20세기 독일과 덴마크의 국경분쟁 문제 : ‘Up ewigungedeelt’ vs. ‘Danmark til Ejderen’

文秀鉉(Mun Soo-Hyun) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 역사교육 Vol.103 No.-

The Schleswig-Holstein is well known as the most successful case to solve the border conflict in European continent, even though this region has also been conflict-ridden case since A.D. 1232. In analysing the long, protracted struggle in Schleswig-Holstein, this study tries to find out the lessons for the present border problem. After several wars between Denmark and Germany like the First War of Schleswig(1849~1851), the Second War of Schleswig(1864) and the Austro-Pussian war of 1866, peace in Schleswig-Holstein could be established through two steps: At fist, the border line between Denmark and Germany was readjusted according to the conclusion of the plebiscite which was held in 1920 as a result of treaty of Versailles. Secondly, the minority rights on both sides of the border were recognized by the Declaration of Kiel in 1949 and Declaration of Bonn-Kopenhagen in 1955. The key to this exceptionally successful solution was the recognition of the free will on the border region on the one side and the suitable control of that on the other side. The numerous failed trials to this problem in the past shows that neither ignorance of, nor the two much emphasis on the regional circumstance was adequate to the border struggle. As a result, the generally acceptable answer to the border problem seems to be situated in the tension between the respect of the will of people in border region and the control of their regional interest.

군사 개혁가 볼프 폰 바우디신(Wolf von Baudissin)과 1960년대 서독 연방군 개혁

문수현(Mun Soo-Hyun) 효원사학회 2011 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.40

This paper discusses the debate on the formation of the West German military by focusing on the activity and ideas of the military reformer Wolf von Baudissin in the 1960s. For the most part, the critical debates about the West German army before the 1968 revolution have tended to center around the question of close affinity between the Wehrmacht, the military under the Nazi dictatorship, and the Bundeswehr, the West German army. This paper proposes to understand this relationship in the context of the conflict between continued authoritarianism within the German military and the drive to democracy in postwar German society. The military reformer Baudissin was placed under two conflicting pressures. On the one hand, he was under the persistent influence of the conservatives within the military. On the other hand, he had to struggle for the existence of the German military itself, since most of the West German people were exhausted with the military during the Nazi dictatorship. The ideas of Baudissin, 'regulation by inner feeling' and 'the citizen in uniform' constituted the backbone of the Himmeroder protocol, the so-called Magna Carta of the German military, and the law on soldiers which was enacted in 1966. The fact that his reformative ideas could be ratified tremendously helped the reluctant German people to accept the remilitarization. Ironically, this success in enactment of his ideas undermined his position within the Defense Ministry: he couldn't maintain his position in the Defense Ministry which was dominated by the conservative wing, because the antipathy toward the military provided strong support for the democratization of the German military. Although he was forced take a step back from the Defense Ministry, his reformative ideas were repeatedly referred to and became the foundation for subsequent military reform.

독일 근현대사 해석틀의 변화

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2005 人文論叢 Vol.54 No.-

독일 정치자금 관련 법규들과 기민련(CDU)의 재무구조

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 이화사학연구소 2016 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.52

This article explores the regulation of political funding in Germany and how CDU, the incumbent ruling party, modified its financial structure in accordance with these national regulations. This process was not maneuvered by the political parties, but by the Federal Constitutional Count which repeatedly provided the guide lines to improve the political funding structure. The occasional political scandals such as Kohl Scandal and Flick Scandal provided the impetus to improve the legal framework to strengthen control over political funding. Since 1959, German political parties were entitled to receive state funding, with the form of state funding evolving ever since. With the implementation of the Act on the Political Party in 1967, only campaigning costs for the various elections could be reimbursed. This system was subsequently replaced by a system of general annual state funding through the amendment to the Act on Political Party in 1994. It was inevitable that state funding was accompanied by state control on the political funding; in line with the decisions by the Federal Constitutional Court in 1966, 1984, 1992, 1999, the parties are requested to submit due statements of their revenues or assets. Those persons who submitted incorrect statement of account could be punished under the criminal law. In the midst of these regulatory changes, CDU, which had previously relied heavily on the wealthy donors for political funding, could be transformed into a mass party where membership dues constituted approximately 40% of the party`s funding. - similar to the Social Democratic Party(SPD)

일반논문 : 기민련(CDU) 정권의 주택 정책 분석 -1950, 1956, 1960년 주택법안을 중심으로-

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 한국서양사학회 2013 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.119

This article attempts to examine the formation of German housing policy in the years between 1949 and 1969 when the CDU was in power. The three dominant German parties each developed their own housing policy. The SPD tried to address the interests of low-income households by constructing more social-based housing. The CDU basically preferred the construction of private houses to social housing. The Liberal Democratic Party pursued a thoroughly market-oriented housing policy. The clash of these different positions laid the foundation of German housing policy in the early years of the BRD. Three important housing acts were passed during this period. The main issue of the first housing act, passed in 1950, was the construction of social housing built by private investors. Public grants were provided under the conditions of rent control and public allocation procedures. The second Housing Act was passed in 1956. A new direction in the financial programs for social housing was developed. The government tried to encourage the construction of private houses rather than social housing. In addition, the rent control and public allocation procedures were mitigated. The law aimed to promote a market-oriented housing policy. In the same context, the third Act was passed in 1960. It would bring an end to rent control. The underlying assumption was that the market would regulate itself best. The consistent tendency which can be found in all three laws is that the government put priority on the interests of the middle class and attempted to resolve the housing problem by strengthening the housing market rather than through public intervention.