메리 E. 위너스-행크스 著, 노영순 譯, 『젠더의 역사』 역사비평사, 2006

文秀鉉(Mun Soo-Hyun) (서평자) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 歷史敎育 Vol.101 No.-

바이마르의 주거난 해소를 위한 모색들 -‘주택강제경제(Wohnungszwangswirtschaft)’와 ‘주택이자세(Hauszinssteuer)’를 중심으로-

문수현 ( Mun¸ Soo-hyun ) 한국서양사학회 2021 서양사론 Vol.- No.151

This paper examined how “Wohnungszwangswirtschaft” and “Hanszinssteuer,” the two measures to resolve the housing shortage during the Weimar period, were institutionalized. The basic framework of the housing policy during the Weimar Republic was to ensure housing stability for existing tenants through the “Wohnungszwangswirtschaft” and to encourage the building of new houses through public support based on “Hauszinssteuer.” However, the organized housing and landowners’ organizations, Wirtschaftspartei, and the conservative parties represented the position that such measures, which inevitably implied comprehensive intervention in private property, would only hinder the efficient operation of the market. And this conflict emerged as one of the important issues that paralyzed the Weimar coalition system in the late 1920s. The social conflict over whether to strengthen state intervention or market autonomy in the housing sector can be regarded as characteristic of the Weimar period, a typical example of “instability caused by distribution conflicts between different economic sectors and various institutions.” (Hanyang University / munshyun@hanyang.ac.kr)

기민련(CDU) 정권의 주택 정책 분석 -1950, 1956, 1960년 주택법안을 중심으로-

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 한국서양사학회 2013 서양사론 Vol.0 No.119

This article attempts to examine the formation of German housing policy in the years between 1949 and 1969 when the CDU was in power. The three dominant German parties each developed their own housing policy. The SPD tried to address the interests of low-income households by constructing more social-based housing. The CDU basically preferred the construction of private houses to social housing. The Liberal Democratic Party pursued a thoroughly market-oriented housing policy. The clash of these different positions laid the foundation of German housing policy in the early years of the BRD. Three important housing acts were passed during this period. The main issue of the first housing act, passed in 1950, was the construction of social housing built by private investors. Public grants were provided under the conditions of rent control and public allocation procedures. The second Housing Act was passed in 1956. A new direction in the financial programs for social housing was developed. The government tried to encourage the construction of private houses rather than social housing. In addition, the rent control and public allocation procedures were mitigated. The law aimed to promote a market-oriented housing policy. In the same context, the third Act was passed in 1960. It would bring an end to rent control. The underlying assumption was that the market would regulate itself best. The consistent tendency which can be found in all three laws is that the government put priority on the interests of the middle class and attempted to resolve the housing problem by strengthening the housing market rather than through public intervention.

법의 성중립성에 대한 고찰 - 전형적인 여성노동 개념을 중심으로-

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 한국서양사학회 2006 서양사론 Vol.0 No.91

1949~1969 기민련(Christliche Demokratische Union)의 선거 캠페인 분석

문수현 ( Mun Soo-hyun ) 수선사학회 2017 사림 Vol.0 No.61

This article analyzed the election campaign of the CDU(Christliche Demokratische Union), the conservative ruling party in Germany in the years between 1949 and 1969. We can find the consistencies in these election campaigns: the focus on the election campaign was the chancellor candidates; the influence of institutes of public opinion increased; the threat of the communism was a constant factor in the election campaign. Although it is virtually impossible to prove whether and to what extent the election results might be ascribed to the efficiency of the election campaign itself, it was also undeniable that CDU increasingly experience the fall in its approval rating since the election of 1957 in contrast to SPD, the opposition party which increased its approval rate consistently. The inflexibility of the election campaign might have been counted as a reason for that decline in the approval rating. First, the strategy to focus on the chancellor candidates was problematic in the sense that the candidates continued to maintain their status and power within the CDU without power shift. The unchanged melody of the threat of the communism did not reflect the changes in the international politics. Finally, the dependence on the external institutes of the public opinion rather than on the party itself weakened the basic functions of the party, that is to develop policies and devise new agenda. The breakthrough from this stalemate emerged only when CDU lost its political power and became an opposition party for the first time after its establishment.

`수상선거협회(Kanzlerwahlverin)`에서 정당으로: 야당으로서의 기민련(Christliche Demokratiche Union)

문수현 ( Mun Soo-hyun ) 역사교육학회 2017 역사교육논집 Vol.64 No.-

While the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) was a ruling party, it was widely regarded as just “the chancellor election committee” because neither did it have proper political programs as a political party nor did it have the party structure separate from the government. It was not until the CDU lost political power and became an opposition party that it deserved the titleof a proper political party. This article examines the transformation of the CDU from the “commission from the chancellor election” into a “proper political party”. The “45er generation”, whose turning point in life was the end of WWII, along with the conservative faction of the 1968 generation became the main protagonists in this process. These two groups succeeded in proclaiming both the “Mannheimer Programm” in 1975 and the Grundsatzprogramm in 1978. Furthermore, they strengthened the party`s organization in various ways including the establishment of the “Secretary-General“ of the party. In the case of the CDU, the seizure of power as a political party and the consolidation of the party structure did not occur simultaneously. Ironically, the CDU could gain momentum towards the consolidation of a political party only after it became anopposition party.

근대 국가 형성과 운하 건설 -빌헬름 제국기를 중심으로-

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 수선사학회 2009 사림 Vol.0 No.33

20세기 독일과 덴마크의 국경분쟁 문제 : ‘Up ewigungedeelt’ vs. ‘Danmark til Ejderen’

文秀鉉(Mun Soo-Hyun) 歷史敎育硏究會 2007 역사교육 Vol.103 No.-

The Schleswig-Holstein is well known as the most successful case to solve the border conflict in European continent, even though this region has also been conflict-ridden case since A.D. 1232. In analysing the long, protracted struggle in Schleswig-Holstein, this study tries to find out the lessons for the present border problem. After several wars between Denmark and Germany like the First War of Schleswig(1849~1851), the Second War of Schleswig(1864) and the Austro-Pussian war of 1866, peace in Schleswig-Holstein could be established through two steps: At fist, the border line between Denmark and Germany was readjusted according to the conclusion of the plebiscite which was held in 1920 as a result of treaty of Versailles. Secondly, the minority rights on both sides of the border were recognized by the Declaration of Kiel in 1949 and Declaration of Bonn-Kopenhagen in 1955. The key to this exceptionally successful solution was the recognition of the free will on the border region on the one side and the suitable control of that on the other side. The numerous failed trials to this problem in the past shows that neither ignorance of, nor the two much emphasis on the regional circumstance was adequate to the border struggle. As a result, the generally acceptable answer to the border problem seems to be situated in the tension between the respect of the will of people in border region and the control of their regional interest.

독일 정치자금 관련 법규들과 기민련(CDU)의 재무구조

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Mun ) 이화사학연구소 2016 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.52

This article explores the regulation of political funding in Germany and how CDU, the incumbent ruling party, modified its financial structure in accordance with these national regulations. This process was not maneuvered by the political parties, but by the Federal Constitutional Count which repeatedly provided the guide lines to improve the political funding structure. The occasional political scandals such as Kohl Scandal and Flick Scandal provided the impetus to improve the legal framework to strengthen control over political funding. Since 1959, German political parties were entitled to receive state funding, with the form of state funding evolving ever since. With the implementation of the Act on the Political Party in 1967, only campaigning costs for the various elections could be reimbursed. This system was subsequently replaced by a system of general annual state funding through the amendment to the Act on Political Party in 1994. It was inevitable that state funding was accompanied by state control on the political funding; in line with the decisions by the Federal Constitutional Court in 1966, 1984, 1992, 1999, the parties are requested to submit due statements of their revenues or assets. Those persons who submitted incorrect statement of account could be punished under the criminal law. In the midst of these regulatory changes, CDU, which had previously relied heavily on the wealthy donors for political funding, could be transformed into a mass party where membership dues constituted approximately 40% of the party`s funding. - similar to the Social Democratic Party(SPD)

Andreas Schirmered., Koreans and Central Europeans

Mun, Soo-Hyun(문수현) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.230