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        우리말 성조 방언에서 반평성과 반거성

        김차균 ( Kim Cha Gyun ) 한말연구학회 2003 한말연구 Vol.- No.13

        N/A The purpose of this article is to describe contrastively the realizations of the plain unmarked tone `Peongseong` and that of the marked tone `Geoseong` in the environment of [## -#] and [## - ^#] in detail. Here, the sign [^#] designates word boundary or pause, [##] phrase boundary, [#] open juncture respectively. Open juncture does not always appear physically, but exerts significant influence upon the realization of tones. While Peongseong /H/ is realized into [MH], and Geoseong, into [HH] in the environment of ## - #, in the environment of ## - ^# they are realized into [M] and [H] respectively. The [M] like this is the first half of normal Phyeongseong realzation [MH], on the other hand the [H] is the first half of normal Geongseong realization [HH]. Hence, we can designate such [M] and [H] as we introduced in the above as half-Phyeongseong and half-Geoseong respectively. Through such observation, we could describe various pitch patterns that we could examine.

      • KCI등재
      • 창원 방언과 안동 방언 성조의 비교

        김차균 우리말글학회 2002 우리말 글 Vol.25 No.-

        In this article. we compared the tone systems and various tonological phenomena of Changwon Dialect of Gyeongnam Province and Andong dialect of Cyeonbuk Province. For the description of tone systems n phonological level. we employed Kong Sejong's side-dot theory based on markedness theory n the one hand and on the other hand generative tonology. As we distinguish more than two levels, phonological and phonetic level at least, we have three main levels. the functional level in which all the tonologiccal representations are indicated by three or four kinds of dots on the left of Hangeul characters. like □, ㆍ□, :□ and/or ㆍ?? (eg. 노ㆍ래 norε song. ㆍ구ㆍ름 gurim cloud, :사ㆍ람 s^haram human being, ㆍ??ㆍ간ㆍ다 naganda go out<pres.>). The dot-representations are not pitch indications by themselves but they manifest the functions of opposition or neutralization as well as the degree of pittch complexity. In the deepest underlying level. Andong dialect and Changwon dialect are three tone systems which consist of one unmarked tone. and two marked tones (cheuk-sheongs). The unmarked tone is □(the plain tone, phyeong-sheong) and two marked tones are ㆍ□(the phonetically simple tone, geo-sheong), and :□(the phonetically complex tone, shang-sheong). In Andong dialect appears another marked one ㆍ?? which is called the passive tone. Eumgeo-sheong is always derived in the intermediate level of many inflectional forms of the verbal class (naga-das 'go out', nasheo-da 'come forward', ga-bo-da 'intend to go' etc. The plain tone □ permits the opposition of phyeong-sheong(□) and cheuk-sheong(ㆍ□) in the following syllable. Any marked tone (cheuk-sheong, ㆍ□, :□, or ㆍ??)is neutratralized as one dot (ㆍ□) in the environment of '□―'. Any tone (□, ·□, :□, or ·??) is neutratralized as one dot (ㆍ□) in the environment of '{□, ㆍ□, :□, ㆍ??}―'. The relation between dot symbols and three underlying tones is as the following table: ◁표 삽입 ▷(원문을 참조하세요) Because of the neutratralization effect, the kinds of tone-conection, tonological patterns, are extremely restricted in a prosodic word. Thus we can fine three tonlogical patterns―phyeong-cheuk pattern, geosheong pattern and shangsheong pattern in Changwon dialect, and four tonological patterns―phyeong-cheuk pattern. geosheong pattern, shangsheong pattern, eumgeosheong pattern in Andong dialect respectively. The tonological patterns of the two dialects are: ◁표 삽입 ▷(원문을 참조하세요) In this article we discribe various tonological phenomena (eg. neutralization, first-constituent- changing-into-unmarked-tone in morphological tonology. etc.). The greatest new discovery in Korean tonology. I think, is the systematic progressive phyeong-sheong (unmarked tone) assimilation within □_l + {ㆍ□_, :□_}_veral in Changwon dialect (eg. 안동+ㆍ가는구ㆍ나→안동가는구나 'go to Andong', 안동+:갈ㆍ라ㆍ먼→안동갈라먼 'if you go to Andong'). ^1) The systematic progressive phyeong-sheong (unmarked tone) assimilation rule. however, does not apply to the northern Gyeonbuk dialect including Andong dialect. Therefore the rule can be maybe the criteria of distinguishing the northern Gyeonbuk dialect from the other Gyeonshang dialects. And for the analysis of pitch in phonetic level. data of two dialects were dealt with both auditory and experimental method. Reduction, weakening or strengthening of tone pattern in a prosodic phrase or a sentence was an important subject in this study. For that, we used dynamic analysis of parole instead of static analysis of langue. By dynamic analysis we mean manipul-ating pitch of words based on the principle of key change in western music on the one hand, and consideration about the variety of pitch span that depends on the situation on the other hand.(Chungnam National University)

      • 영남 방언과 호남 방언의 운율 비교 : 대화체 월의 운율을 중심으로

        김차균,고광모,김주원,정원수 충남대학교 문리과대학 어문연구회 2000 語文硏究 Vol.34 No.-

        In this article, we compared the prosody of Yeongnam and Honam dialect, which is tone dialect and semi-tone dialect respectively. The data is that of Changweon dialect of Gyeongnam Province and Damyang dialect of Jeonnam Province chiefly. In some case the data of Yecheon dialect of Gyeongbuk Province was also dealt. For analysis of colloquial sentences, we employed three-way analysis: First, 1062 Changweon and Damyang colloquial sentences were dealt in auditory method. Secondly, 20 sentences of two dialects and 30 words of Changweon dialect were dealt with experimental method. Thirdly, for comparison of toponymy, the tone of the station names was investigated. In this article, we analyzed sentential tone of two dialects. For that, distribution of tone pattern and reduction or weakening of tone pattern in a sentence was investigated. The descripton about tone reduction was firstly done in this study.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        경상도 방언의 성조형

        김차균 서울대학교 어학연구소 1975 語學硏究 Vol.11 No.2

        In this study I found three tone patterns and a few phonological rules through which almost all of the pitch phenomena in Gyeongsang dialects can be derived. The materials I used here are from four dialects:Changwon, Jinju,Gyeongju and Muphung. The traditional studies in tone of the Korean language and its dialects, especially Gyeongsang dialects, have been absorbed in the superficial pitch phenomena, where K.L.Pike's Tone Languages was used as the theoretical framework. Thus our linguists failed to notice the fact that Gyeongsang dialects have no less complex tone combinations than Chinese, but only three simple tone patterns are found superficially. Therefore in the underlying level we need not distinguish betweena true tone language and a word pitch system as K.L.Pike does. Any language whose lexical meanings are differentiated by pitch, is a true tone language. Although linguists have recognized that the units for describing pitch patterns in Gyeongsang dialects must be words or phonological phrases, they could not be free from syllables in the actual description of a tone system. And they were sure of the existence of a simple Gyeongsang dialect, but they could not consider small individual dialects as a unit language. I think it is because they didn't have appropriate methodology. Lately a few linguists introduced the same method for the description of the tone system of Gyeongsang dialects as has been used in the analysis of the Japanese accent system. By the accent analysis, however, we are able to consider some imperfect and superficial characteristics predictable from underlying tone combinations and phonological rules. The three tone patterns which rule over all the Gryeongsang dialects and make it possible to set up underlying representations are: L_1,M_1 and H_1M_0, where L,M and H mean Low, Mid and High pitches respectively, and L_1 means one or more Low pitch syllables, M_1 means one or more Mid pitches and so on. Phonological rules which can derive surface manifestations are as follows: -C,J.G and M refer to Changwon, Jinju,Gyeongju and Muphung dialects, respectively.

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