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      • KCI등재

        혈맹에 쐐기 박기: 최근 북한이 한국인의 대미 인식에 미친 영향

        김진웅 ( Jin Wung Kim ) 역사교육학회 2004 역사교육논집 Vol.33 No.-

        This study analyzes the influence of North Korea on South Korean views of America since February 1998. More specifically, this study examines profoundly changing South Korean image of the northern neighbor, including the generation gap in South Korean views of the North and the United States, its influence on their views of the U.S. military presence, the ROK-U.S. alliance, and Washington`s North Korea policy. From late February 1998, the Kim Dae-jung administration pursued the sunshine policy to actively engage Pyongyang. Kim`s persevered sunshine policy and succeeding Roh Moo-hyun administration`s policy of peace and prosperity with North Korea have profoundly transformed South Korean perceptions of North Korea and the United States--even more than its target, North Korea--in important and often unexpected ways. Like other important social issues, the South Korean image of North Korea shows a considerable generation gap. Young Koreans, having grown up in an era in which school textbooks no longer portrayed North Koreans as devils with horns and tails, have voiced strong sympathy for North Korea and have questioned the wisdom of their grandparents and sometimes their parents in continuing to support close ties with the United States. The U.S. forces Korea (USFK) has been very successful in fulfilling its original mission of deterring another North Korean aggression. The very success has made the U.S. military presence less useful to South Korea. In particular, Seoul`s continuing engagement policy toward Pyongyang has had the unintended consequence of making U.S. troops seem less important for South Korea`s security. As fears of a military threat from the North have rapidly receded, more and more South Koreans have increasingly been critical of the U.S. military presence. Recently, the Seoul-Washington alliance has soured to a considerable and worrisome extent. The tension between South Korea and the United States would lead both sides to reconsider the merits of their military alliance. The North Korean nuclear issue might prove to be a touchstone in changing the alliance that is faced with the greatest challenge in its 50-plus-year history.

      • KCI등재

        논문 : 1990년대 초 한국인들의 대미 인식에 영향을 미친 요인들

        김진웅 ( Jin Wung Kim ) 역사교육학회 2015 역사교육논집 Vol.55 No.-

        This study analyzes the factors that influenced South Korean views of the United States in the early 1990s and their historical implications for subsequent South Korean perceptions of the traditional ally. The main observations can be summed up as follows. In the early 1990s, many South Koreans shared new stirrings of national pride arising from their country`s remarkable achievements in many fields. The increase in South Korean national pride profoundly influenced their perception of the United States. South Koreans resented the role of "apprentice nation" and "little brother" that their nation had played following the Korean War and prompted South Korea and the United States to readjust their alliance relationship to reflect the changed status of the former nation. The enhanced national pride of the early 1990s was further strengthened to the extent that South Korean perception of the United States underwent fundamental changes in the 2000s. This is the historical implications that the increased South Korean national pride has for subsequent perceptions of the United States. The collapse of the Cold War in the early 1990s considerably influenced South Korean perceptions of the United States and the ROK-U.S. alliance. Specifically, it had profound impacts on South Korean views of the U.S. military presence in their nation. "Post-Cold War mentality" that formed in the early 1990s further evolved into "alliance fatigue" in the 2000s. This is the historical implications that the coming of the post-Cold War era has for subsequent South Korean perceptions of the United States. Historically, the North Korean military threat has most influenced South Korean perception of the United States. It has justified the ROK-U.S. alliance and the presence of U.S. forces in South Korea. With the emergence of the North Korean nuclear crisis in the spring of 1993, many South Koreans were seriously concerned about Washington`s North Korea policy. Thereafter, it functioned as an important source of so-called "South-South conflict" between the "conservatives" and the "progressives" in South Korean society. This is the historical implications that the North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s has for subsequent South Korean views of the United States.

      • KCI등재

        1920년대 초 재일본 조선인 유학생의 사회주의 활동과 코스모구락부(コスモ倶楽部)

        김진웅(Kim, Jin-Wung) 한일민족문제학회 2019 한일민족문제연구 Vol.37 No.-

        この研究は、コスモ倶楽部の結成過程と会員の動向を追跡することで在日 本朝鮮人留学生の初期社会主義活動の一面を復元することがその目的であ る。コスモ倶楽部は当初、多国籍留学生の社会主義主義硏究と交流のため に設けられた社交的集まりであった。ところが1921年6月、日本共産党樹立計 画に関わっていた元鍾麟·鄭泰信などの会員が、第3インターナショナルの理 念にもとづいたꡔ宣言ꡕを発表した後、それを行動に移したことによって、社会主 義者の留学生の「小インターナショナル」に變貌した。 以後、コスモ倶楽部は主に朝鮮人の会員を中心に運営された。会員は、「曉 民共産党」と緊密な連携の中、活発な運動を展開した。その結果、この団体 は日本内で有力な社会主義団体の一つとして位置づけられた。しかし、コスモ 倶楽部は、1923年下半期以降、主なメンバーが活動拠点を移すことによっ て、徐々に衰退の道を歩むことになる。結局、コスモ倶楽部は1925年、創立 者である權熙國と元鍾麟が社會主義に基づいた国際連帯理念を放棄し、右 翼の理念に基づいて団体を變容させたため消滅してしまった。これらの歷史的な 過程は、朝鮮人留学生の初期社会主義活動の様態のみならず、それが分化 する過程を見せている。 This article attempts to restore the facet of early socialist activity of Choseon students in Japan by tracking the formation of Cosmo-Club and members’ trends. Cosmo-Club was mere a social gathering originally established for the purpose of socialist research and exchange among international tudents. However, in June 1921, members such as Won Jongrin and Jung Taesin, who were involved in the plan of establishing the Communist Party of Japan, became a “Small International” of socialist international students by publishing 「Declaration」 based on the ideology of The Third International and taking an action. Since then, Cosmo-Club was operated with priority given to Choseon members. Members developed an active movement in close connection with the Gyomin Communist Party. This made Cosmo-Club position as one of the strong socialist groups in Japan. Cosmo-Club, however, was gradually declining since the second half of 1923, since major members changed the activity base. The suppression of Japanese imperialism, arrested and imprisoned and accelerated this by intimidating the members’ activities. Eventually, Cosmo-Club was extinguished in 1925 since Kwon-Huiguk and Won Jongrin who were original members abandoned the international solidarity ideology based on socialism and transformed it into right-wing ideology. The beginning and end showed aspects of early socialism activities of Choseon students in Japan and the process of its division.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        조공제도에 대한 서구학계의 해석 검토

        김진웅 ( Jin Wung Kim ) 역사교육학회 2013 역사교육논집 Vol.50 No.-

        This study intends to analyze a variety of interpretations presented by Western scholarship on the tribute system in historical East Asia. It classifies a number of explanations on the historical institution as two distinctive schools and examines their logic, characteristics, and limitations. The first school based on John K. Fairbank`s paradigm views the tribute system as the only medium for China`s relations and diplomacy with its neighboring states in the premodern era. The “Fairbank model” conceives of an East Asian world order of tributary relations centered on China. This model posits that Chinese rulers initiated tributary relations because of the value of the prestige that foreign tribute would bring to their rule in China. Foreign rulers participated in tributary politics because of the value of the benefits of trade with China. The Fairbank paradigm is problematic for a number of reasons. It is internally flawed and incapable of interpreting major events and underlying dynamics in East Asian international politics. The second school suggested primarily by scholars of international relations understands the tribute system as one institution of historical East Asian international relations. The actual international system of premodern East Asian politics was much broader than the tribute system. Other institutions, such as war and even the balance of power politics, can be found in international relations in historical East Asia. In other words, the tribute system was only part of the whole picture of historical East Asian international politics. Despite its logical validity and persuasive powers, the interpretation also reveals its own inherent flaws. History is subject to multiple interpretations and perspectives. It is clear that the “tribute system” constitutes the fundamental institution to explain the premodern East Asian world order. At the same time, we must make efforts to move beyond the “tribute system” paradigm to better understand historical East Asian international politics.

      • BROADBAND DIGITAL CROSS CONNECTION SYSTEM에 관한 연구

        김진웅(JIN WUNG KIM) 한국정보과학회 1996 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.23 No.2B

        현재 개발중인 동기식 전송장치인 BDCS (BOARDBAND CROSS CONNECTION SYSTEM)의 설계개념과 세부기능에 대하여 설명한다. 이 BDCS 시스템은 AU3 단위의 신호분배기능과 ADD-DROP을 통한 전송신호의 네트워킹이 용이하도록 설계되었다. 이 시스템은 STM1, STM4 동기 신호와 DS3의 비동기 신호를 수용한다. 여기에서 시스템의 전체 설계와 제어구조및 내부 구성에 대해 제안한다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        2004년 미국 대통령 선거에서의 뉴멕시코 주 히스패닉 계 투표의 검토

        김진웅 ( Jin Wung Kim ) 대구사학회 2014 대구사학 Vol.115 No.-

        This study analyzes the Hispanic vote in New Mexico in the 2004 presidential election, aiming at understanding influence of the Hispanic vote on the election on the state level. The main observations can be summed up as follows. In the 2004 presidential election, President George W. Bush and the Republicans and their counterparts, Senator John Kerry and the Democrats, all courted the Hispanic vote in their own ways to carry New Mexico. In the presidential election campaign, Bush and the Republicans courted the Hispanic vote more aggressively than Kerry and the Democrats. When the election was over in early November 2004, both the actual turnout and the candidate choice numbers showed that New Mexico deserved its designation as a closely contested battleground state. Bush eked out a close popular vote victory over Kerry by a slim margin of 5,988, or 0.8 percent of all the votes cast. The 2004 presidential election witnessed the dramatic increase in the Hispanic vote for the Republican candidate. Bush improved his performance among Hispanic voters of New Mexico, garnering some 44 percent of the whole Hispanic vote. Thus, although nationally electoral impact of Hispanics on the outcome of the election was minimal, Bush’s unprecedented improvement among the Hispanic electorate had considerable impact on his victory in the state of New Mexico. (Professor, Kyungpook National University / jwukim@knu.ac.kr)

      • KCI등재

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