중론의 중요사상과 논리형식

김인덕(In Duk Kim) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 1982 佛敎學報 Vol.- No.19

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

재일조선인 민족교육 운동에 대한 연구 - 재일본조선인연맹 제 4,5회 전체대회와 한신(阪神)교육투쟁을 중심으로 -

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 수선사학회 2006 史林 Vol.0 No.26

논문(論文) : 1920,30년대 재일 조선인 선거운동 -재일본조선노동총동맹과 일심회의 사례를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

1920년에 선거권이 인정된 직후에는 친일파를 제외하고 재일 조선인이 주체적으로 선거운동과 참정권의 문제에 관여한 흔적은 없었다. 그러나 1925년보통선거법 성립 이후 재일 조선인 유권자는 무산정당을 그 수립과정에서부터 적극적으로 지원했다고 보인다. 보통선거권이 부여된 이후에, 재일 조선인은 선거운동에서 형식적으로는 ``부여된`` 권리라고 하고, 주체적으로 자기의 것으로 활용하려고 했다. 재일조선인 노동자와 지식인은 1926년 이후에 본격적으로 논의했다. 이와 함께 조선인 입후보자가 출현한 것은 1929년 이후였다. 입후보자가 급증한 시기는 1930년대 전반으로, 이 현상은 1932년 박춘금의 당선이 하나의 계기가 되었다고 보인다. 이상과 같은 재일 조선인에 적용된 선거제도는 내선융화를 촉발하기 위한 제도였다. 따라서 재일 조선인에게는 장애가 있었다. 조선인이 조선인을 위한 의원 선출을 불가능하게 한 원인이 있었는데, 그것은 유권자 확정과정과 투표제도의 운영상에 문제가 있었기 때문이다. 한편 재일본조선노동총동맹은 조선인으로의 입장을 갖고 선거에 직·간접적인 활동을 전개했다. 특히 노동농민당을 선거운동에서 적극 지원한 것은 국제연대의 실현과 함께 현실투쟁에서의 일본 내의 재일 조선인의 지분을 갖는데 결코 부정적이지는 않았다. 여기에는 일상적인 공동투쟁의 지속과 일본 사회주의운동 진영과의 이론적 공감대의 형성이 요인으로 작용했을 것이다. 일심회의 경우도 친일적인 성격으로 인하여 선거운동에 참가하면서도 본질적인 한계가 없지는 않았지만, 1920년대부터 일관되게 적극적인 관심을 표명하고 있었다. 이것은 재일본조선노동총동맹의 경우와 함께 간접적이나마 재일 조선인의 정치적 의사를 반영한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 그 이유는 이들내부의 다양성이 조직의 외형상 나타나는 단순한 ``융화친목``만을 갖고 일방적으로 예단할 수 없는 부분이 있기 때문이다. 재일 조선인의 선거운동은 일본의 지배정책이 조선인을 일본인과 평등하게 취급한다는 것은 거짓이다. 일제는 소수이지만 자신들의 입장을 대변할사람이 필요했고, 여기에는 권력자의 정책적 배려가 작용했던 것이다. Since the suffrage were acknowledged in 1920, Korean residents in Japan had not been involved in political rights and movements on vote other than pro-Japanese group. However, after establishment of popular suffrage in 1925, Korean residents voter in Japan supported actively for proletarian party since the process. Following given of popular suffrage, Korean residents in Japan tried to get their own rights even though they published as endowed rights in formal. From 1926, Korean labors in Japan and intellects fully discussed. With this, Korean residents in Japan``s first candidate for vote was 1929 and increased rapidly 1930s. These are all spring from Park Chun-keum``s election. Followed election system for Korean residents in Japan was only for the harmonization. Therefore, they had an obstacles. Korean could not vote for the Korean for assemblyman because there were serious issues on determining elector and managing election system. On the other hand, the federation of Korean laborers in Japan began their movement in or directly with their own stance as Korean. Particularly, supporting Labor agrarian party was realizing international union and also taking Korean equity in Japan with many struggles. This indicates persisting routine struggles and developing a bond of sympathy with socialist agitators in Japan. In terms of pro-Japanese character, Ilsimhoi had substantial limits while participating election campaign but they had an consistent interest since 1920s. This can be mediately interpreted as Korean residents in Japan``s political will with the federation of Korean laborers in Japan. The reason why for this matter is that varieties of group cannot be prejudged because of harmonizing in external. It is not true that Japanese ruling policy had treated election campaign of Korean residents in Japan same as Japanese campaign. Japanese need people who represent their stance even if minority, this clearly shows political regards of powerful man.

일제시대 여수지역 강제연행에 대한 고찰

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

The following contents are the researching comparison of compulsive haul in Yeosu (where is the small city placed in Chunra-do)and other compulsive haul in Korea. First of all, in a view of period, method, and object, Yeosu compulsive haul had been converged in 1943 and 1944. The period of Yeosu citizen being pulled along by force as a soldier was from 1938 till 1945. Also, civilians attached to the military was in 1942 for two years. Secondly, the way of mobilized shape of Yeosu compulsive haul was quite various lieu of family member, while on board shipping craft, and with neighborhoods. Regions of Yeosu citizen’s mobilization were domestic, Japan, Philippine, and Manchuria. There was also people who trained for a year before they sent to other region. On the middle of them, Yeosu citizen who were resided in Japan were included, returnee in alive but most of all were killed in battle. Third, seeing the hauled place, people who were in Yeosu had trailed to all the area in Japan and even Pacific Ocean. In particular, Hokkaido, Osaka, Kyushu, South Sea islands were the main regions for compulsive haul. A noticeable thing was that people who were from Yeosu normally undertaken in a fleet in terms of their experiences near coast. For these sorts of compulsive haul in Yeosu was similar to Changnyung-Gun and Nonsan-Gun. First, there is a analogous to period, types of people, and region. Second, most of people hauled worked on agriculture. In a different way, Yeosu compulsive haul was the passage of Japanese imperialism for railroad and passengership. Second, the remaining military installations could be inferred as a point of strategic importance.

관동대지진 조선인학살과 일본 내 운동세력의 동향

김인덕(Kim Induck) 동북아역사재단 2015 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.49

이 글은 1923년 관동대지진을 전후로 재일조선인 운동세력과 일본 사회운동세력의 조선 이해와 관동대지진에 대한 대응과 움직임에 주목하여 고찰하였다. 재일조선인 운동세력은 민족적, 계급적 문제에 주목하였고, 그것은 일본 사회운동세력도 마찬가지였다. 그런데 문제는 민족적, 계급적 문제 보다는 개인적 문제가 우선이었다는 점이다. 1923년 관동대지진 전부터 조선과 일본의 계급적 관점의 국제적인 연대는 조직적인 차원에서 진행되었다. 특히 반제국주의적 성격의 조·일(日) 연대 투쟁은 일본 내에서 실제로 이루어졌다. 그러나 1923년 관동대지진이라는 대규모 사건이 일어나면서 그 현상은 변해갔다. 그럼에도 불구하고 민족문제 보다 국제연대를 우선적으로 사고하던 재일조선인은 이미 국제주의적 분위기 속에서 일본 사회운동에 깊이 들어가서 적극 활동하였다. 그러나 1923년 관동대지진이 발생한 직후에는 조선인이 무참히 죽어 가는 상황에서 재일조선인 조직은 적극적이지 않았다. 선진적인 재일조선인 조직도 학살사건에 적극 대응하지 못하였다. 전술도 없었고 규탄 투쟁도 전개할 수 없었던 것이다. 시간이 지나고 나서 천도교와 기독교 조직에 기초한 조직화된 재일조선인 활동가, 유학생들은 모일 수 있었다. 이들은 1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살에 주목하면서 도쿄지방이재조선인구제회를 결성하였던 것이다. 1923년 10월 도쿄지방이재조선인구제회가 존재하게 되었다. 그리고 이 조직은 국내와 조직적인 연계의 틀을 갖고 있었다. 국내에서 전국적인 연계 모습도 확인된다. 그러나 일본에서는 조선인이 학살된 이 시점에도 친일적 모습을 견지한 그룹이 있었다. 박춘금과 상애회가 그들이었다. 이들의 친일적 추도회는 식민지 지배의 연결선에 있었고 단순히 세력 확장의 도구였다. 한편 1923년 관동대지진이 일어난 이후 1년 이후 재일조선인과 일본 정부와 시민 사회는 각자의 방법으로 기억을 하고자 하였다. 일본 정부는 진재기념당과 재건기념관을 통해 이를 추진하였다. 본질적으로 그들이 기억하는 추모는 일본이 중심인 반인륜적인 내용이 주였다. 이들 보통 일본 사회, 일본인에게 조선인학살은 거의 보이지 않았다. 일제강점기 전 기간을 통해 1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살은 기억되어 왔다. 이는 재일조선인 각종 단체가 있어 가능하였다. 이들 단체의 주도로 1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 1년 이후인 1924년부터 추도회가 열렸다. 재일조선인은 매년 9월 1일, 이날을 일상적으로 기억하고 기념하였던 것이라고 할 수 있다. 기억의 공간에서 1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살은 제노사이드로 남아 있고, 트라우마로 작용하고 있다. 1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살을 둘러싼 일본내 재일조선인 운동세력과 일본 사회운동세력의 움직임은 본질적인 한계를 노정해 왔다. 그들은 죽음 앞에서 패배자가 되어, 결국은 나뉘었던 것이다. This paper focuses on Joseon through the power of social movements in Japan at the time of the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923, and on Korean residents in Japan. The international relationship between Joseon and Japan had come to be established before 1923. In particular, anti ?imperialism movements were active, but the Great Kanto Earthquake changed matters greatly. However, Koreans residing in Japan who cared not for nationalism but for internationalism had become active together with Japanese social movements. However, soon after the Great Kanto Earthquake, many Koreans died in drastic situations, and many individual Koreans could not remain active in movements. Even Korean resident groups in Japan that were advanced could not react effectively. There was no denunciation of the struggle, however. As time passed, activists affiliated with Cheondogyo and with Christian faiths, and Korean students gathered. They had taken notice of the massacre brought by the earthquake and established the “Rescue Association of Korean Residents in Tokyo” in 1923. This group had connections in Japan and internationally, and this was clearly seen in domestic activities. On the other hand, there were pro -Japanese groups even among Koreans, such as Pak Chun -geum and the Sangaehoe. These two groups held memorial services with pro - Japanese points of view in order to expand their power. Meanwhile, one year after the Great Kanto Earthquake, Korean residents in Japan and the Japanese government (civil society) recalled their losses in various ways. The Japanese government built a memorial hall for the earthquake disaster and a reconstruction hall. Before the Japanese colonial period ended, the massacre of Korean residents in Japan due to the Kanto earthquake was remembered. Various organizations made this possible. In 1924, many organizations in Japan held memorial services. And every year on September 1, people continue to commemorate the earthquake and the losses.

IR 저감 형상변형 노즐의 추력성능 영향성 연구

김인덕(Indeok Kim),강동우(Dongwoo Kang),명노신(Rhoshin Myong),김원철(Woncheol Kim) 한국추진공학회 2013 한국추진공학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2013 No.12

임광철(林光澈)의 재일조선인사 인식에 대한 소고

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.59

As examined, Lim Gwang-chul had shown concept of theory which based on historical materialism. On the other hand, he predicted revolution of the people. While based on social research methodology, he also had interest on public education that began from Echungwon. Lim narrated Korean history based on historical materialism in amusing perspectives. He depicted Korean history by nation scale and he descripted the period of the three states given equal weight to Goguryeo, Baekje, and Shilla. At the same time, he focused the fact that the state of Goryeo had appeared without war or battle. He noted Yi Dynasty as establishing revolution. Also, the begin of supervision politics was from entrance of Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) in 1905. Meanwhile, Lim Gwan-chul tried to understand history mainly not Yi dynasty but history of feudal society. He mentioned that a purpose of book was the investigation of the capitalism system-principal of Asian feudal system. For that, Yi dynasty was reorganization of Asian feudal system. Futhermore, Toadyism was the most creative policy that Yi Seong-gye took. On the other hand, he believed that land ownership issue caused from massacre of scholars and party strife. He wrote that baptism of Yi Seung-hoon was historical event which related to Chosun society`s limitation with the Roman Catholic church. Lim Gwang-chul deeply focused on problems of Korean residents in Japan for his own reality struggles as one Korean resident in Japan; as the fact of saving lives and freedom from imperialist war. He took a notice on the fact that non-Japanese position within territory of Japan for independence, peace, democracy and political situation of Chosun was quite special since the world war II. With that, he urged that problem of Korean residents in Japan was output from Japanese imperialism and colonialism and he noted it is part of Chosun`s issue. According to Lim, Korean residents in Japan were not happy in Japan. He took a notice on the fact that these Korean had fought for the freedom and independence. People who went to Japan was struggle with nation, rank and this ended to their hostility to Japanese emperor and capitalism. He wrote that these behaviors could be explained from anti-Japan events; February 2nd independence movement, the federation of Labor, Directorate general of Japan Communist party of Korea and Japan, Branch of the Communist Youth League, turning problems, Korean commerce and industry youth league in Japan, pro-Japanese Korean activists and the resistance movement during compulsive haul. On liberation in 1945, he wrote in aggressive. He stated that Korean nation could have been liberated from WWII due to Soviet Union`s role. Also, he noted that liberation in 1945 was turning point of Korean residents in Japan and their liberation campaign. He mainly focused on internationalism of Korean residents in Japan and their problems by organization of the pro-Pyeongyang federation of Korean residents in Japan, 2nd national convention of Choryeon, command of November 20th in 1946, the Hanshin Education struggle in 1948, and democratic front for the reunification for Korean residents in Japan. Researches by Lim on Korean residents in Japan had been applied to the origin of historical study for Korean residents in Japan. Although there is political conflict on description of pre & post-war and history of Korean residents in Japan`s movement, his advanced research could be highlighted with historicity. In the real world, Lim proceeded description of Korean history in progress where he was placed in. At the same time, he considered the importance of communicating with public and into practice.

길장의 파사론 소고

김인덕(In Duk Kim) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 1973 佛敎學報 Vol.- No.10

단고교의 동점고

김인덕(In Duk Kim) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 1977 佛敎學報 Vol.- No.14