『빌리 버드』-제국의 위계질서, 그리고 민주적 지도력의 가능성

김은형 ( Eunhyoung Kim ) 한국영어영문학회 2016 영어 영문학 Vol.62 No.2

Herman Melville``s Billy Budd examines the possibility of democratic leadership in the increasingly hierarchical and imperial American society at the end of the 19th century. On the surface of the narrative, Melville envisions the grim fate of democratic leadership, as represented by the tragedy of an 18th-century British naval warship, the Bellipotent . Terrified by the prospect of mutiny under the necessity of impressment, military commander Vere and policeman Claggart try to "terrorize" the lower-class citizens on the Bellipotent into "base subjection." Billy-the symbol of democratic leadership-is therefore ruthlessly consumed to gratify the military leaders`` secretive political ambition and homosexuality. In the subtext, however, Melville subverts this realistic conclusion, first, by describing the innocent boy``s death as a sacred ritual of apotheosis; second, by revealing how powerfully his fellow sailors are affected by this holy scene; and, third, by suggesting that Nelson``s victorious military career relies on the ordinary seamen``s voluntary allegiance to him, whereas Vere``s career fizzles out due to the utter lack of it. By inserting the romantic element of Billy``s apotheosis into his realistically tragic novel, the author thus emphasizes that democratic leadership as shown by Billy and Nelson is the only key to the survival of the rising American empire.

『주홍 글자』: 보수적인 화자와 급진적인 헤스터, 그리고 호손의 우울한 결론

김은형 ( Eunhyoung Kim ) 한국아메리카학회 2016 美國學論集 Vol.48 No.1

This paper analyzes Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter as a romance narrative in which the narrator ambitiously lays out a romantic vision of social integration for resolving conflicts, which flare up between a resistant individual and an oppressive society over the issues of class, gender, and generation. As the narrative progresses, however, the narrator’s attempt to envision an integrative society is thwarted. First, in spite of the 7-year punishment of wearing the scarlet letter “A” on her bosom, Hester never repents for her adultery. Instead, she dreams of a complete overhaul of the gender system that undergirds Puritan patriarchy and the middle-class ideology of domesticity. Second, the romantic vision based on Dimmesdale’s feeble and selfish manhood―which is preferred by the conservative narrator―not only suppresses Hester but also reduces his own individuality to the “hollow abstractions” of the repressive social system. Consequently, Hawthorne’s narrative sinks into deep gloom because his fictional world of romance proves as much oppressive and alienating as the 17-century and 19th-century cultural institutions whose predicaments he has tried to address.

벤자민 프랭클린의 『자서전』과 미국혁명

김은형(EunHyoung Kim) 19세기영어권문학회 2012 19세기 영어권 문학 Vol.16 No.2

Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography tends to be regarded as the typical success story of an American entrepreneur or as a simple manual on how to succeed in a capitalist world. Its fractured narrative and frequently disrupted and resumed composition, however, hint at how severely Franklin’s personalidentity was destroyed through the turbulent years surrounding the American Revolution and how eagerly he tried to reconstruct it through the narrative process. In colonial society, Franklin rose to prominence and fame even though his origin was obscure. He became a successful businessman by building his credit and character through visible industry and frugality and by efficiently networking with fellow citizens through his communicative skills. More importantly, he knew how to mobilize ordinary citizens into various voluntary associations in order to produce mutual benefit. As a result, he led to success diverse public projects including a public subscription library, the Union FireCompany, University of Pennsylvania, and the Association, thereby improving the daily lives of his fellow middling people. Franklin’s consequent popularity among them enabled him to rise to the top in colonial politics even though hewas not a nobleman; infact, he was practically the only politician in colonial society who knew how effectively to communicate with and to gain cooperation from them. Although Franklin was thus one of the foremost politicians in colonial society, things were different in London. His aspiration to beinvolved in imperial politics by obtaining a royal office was completely crushed; the hierarchical order of the British Empire wanted only his and the colonies’ subordination, not their cooperation as equals, simply because colonial middling eople did not belong to the exclusive social coterie of English gentlemen. Franklin’s participation in the American Revolution and his composition of the Autobiography were therefore his revenge on the unjust and inefficient aristocratic social order of both the British Empire and the newly established Federal government of the United States, which was creating a new social hierarchy following the Revolution. For the man, the American Revolution and the Autobiography were about independence and freedom from the arbitrary power of various forms of unjust social hierarchies. Even though the Autobiography may seem to be a simple guidebook to success on its narrative surface, it actually expounds down-to-earth ways to independence in daily life. By following the detailed instructions specified in this work?e.g., be well-trained in your own trade, build your character and credit through visible industry, be religious enough to be a practically moral person, practice modest diffidence in conversation, and, finally, be a useful and cooperative member when you are involved in voluntary associations and communal projects?young Americans and youths of the world will be able not only to lead free and independent lives but also effectively to challenge diverse unjust hierarchical orders based on prejudices, Franklin affirms. Thus, his Autobiography sincerely envisions cooperative middling people’s independence as the newly defined identity of the Americans and, also, the fledgling republic of the United States as a community in which they can pursue improvement for their mutual benefit and happiness without hierarchical restraints.

벤저민 프랭클린의 시민사회 비전

김은형(EunHyoung Kim) 19세기영어권문학회 2013 19세기 영어권 문학 Vol.17 No.2

Benjamin Franklin’s life and his Autobiography are generally regarded as the culmination of the Enlightenment, which celebrated the faculty of human reason and rejected the traditional institution of religion. Upon further examination of his life and narrative of Autobiography, however, we can see that his life was successful because he recognized early on the frailty of reason and its necessity for dependence on religion. More specifically, reason was too weak to grow properly without the guidance of wisdom that most religious sect provided; and it was too easily subordinated to bad inclinations and habits not to degenerate into folly. Franklin therefore launched his lifelong negotiations with reason and religion. In his youth, Franklin wanted his civil society ? the place of human happiness achieved through rational conversations with his fellow citizens ? to be constituted strictly on the basis of the faculty of reason, which was equally shared by humans. He paid extreme attention so that heterogeneous religious principles would not disrupt this homogeneous social basis. However, the American Revolution and the subsequent, severe conflicts among disparate interest groups soon revealed the limits of reason : the upheavals of irrational violence and threats of the disintegration of civil society seemed to transcend all rational negotiation and compromise. Franklin therefore formulated a more immediate form of cooperation between reason and religion, thereby humbly admitting the limitations of reason and at times adhering to divine providence as a new ground for social integration. Franklin’s Autobiography thus traces how flexibly he negotiated with the human faculty of reason and the tradition of religion. His flexible appropriation of the two competitive authorities of reason and religion on the transitional period to the Enlightenment eventually led his to usher in the greatest achievement of civil negotiations, the miraculous integration of divided states into one nation ? i.e., the United States Constitution.

에드가 앨런 포의 「검은 고양이」: 가정과 남성성, 그리고 공포

김은형 ( Eunhyoung Kim ) 한국근대영미소설학회 2017 근대 영미소설 Vol.24 No.1

Poe`s “The Black Cat” reveals the terror inherent to 19th-century hegemonic ideologies―the cult of domesticity and True Manhood. With his narration, the storyteller initially intends to restore his masculinity, which has been destroyed by the black cat, by rationalizing his atrocities as ordinary household events. Right after his early marriage, the narrator`s alienation not only from the market but also from the domestic sphere transforms his faltering masculinity into “perverseness” in the claustrophobic space of the home. The logic of “perverseness”―i.e., that of irrationality, irresponsibility, and illogicality― morbidly reestablishes his masculinity and domesticity. In other words, he achieves the domestic ideal of separate spheres, and therefore his manhood, by abusing and killing his wife and walling up her corpse in the house. The beast, however, reveals the narrator`s violence hidden behind the veneer of his flawless domesticity and masculinity with its seemingly supernatural powers, as evidenced by the repeated appearance of the image of the gallows. Indeed, the narrator`s houses are destroyed and his narrative―or his masculinity―breaks down because the terrifying presence of the black cat physically, sexually, and mentally dominates him. This short story thus highlights the precarious state of masculinity and domesticity by portraying the violence inherent in the power dynamics among the market, home, and gender in antebellum America.

『재미난 집: 가족 희비극』 : 가장 개인적인 퀴어 서술의 사회개혁 가능성

김은형 ( Kim Eunhyoung ) 영미문학연구회 2021 안과 밖 Vol.- No.50

This paper examines Alison Bechdel’s Fun Home as a social reform narrative through which the author deconstructs all forms of oppressive hierarchies and deep-seated prejudices. This autographic memoir is a very personal story where Bechdel recursively attempts to identify the cause of a traumatic event for her: the death of her father Bruce, a closeted queer. Her uncompromising efforts to find its truth form into a spiraling narrative that obsessively reexamines the incomprehensible event from various perspectives secured by copious intertextual references to fictional and real sources. Thanks to this narrative structure, Bechdel gradually staves off prejudices based on heteronormativity or homonormativity, confronts her trauma, and embraces her morally reprehensible―sometimes even criminal―father as a fellow queer artist. Specifically, as the narrative unfolds, she comes to identify the cause of Bruce’s death as the slippage between signifier and signified within the social definition of queer identity. She then redefines “queer” as a term, which enables her to recognize the erotic truth and artistic ambition that she shares with her father. Eventually, from her “queer” perspective founded on the virtues of equality, compassion, and affection, Bechdel’s personal narrative offers a reform mechanism that can debunk prejudiced and discriminatory hierarchies as arbitrarily constructed discourse. With this queer narrative, Bechdel’s personal tragedy finally projects optimism about social reforms.

트럼프, 에머슨, 그리고 정체성 정치 : 민주주의의 위기와 그 대안의 모색

김은형 ( Kim Eunhyoung ) 영미문학연구회 2018 안과 밖 Vol.0 No.45

Contemporary American democracy has been severely undermined by identity politics which has devolved into partisan selfishness and hatred. The Republican Party has been transformed into a partisan group of white Christians, and President Trump’s racially charged remarks and vulgar anti-immigration rhetoric have led to the national crisis of extreme polarization. In order to find out an alternative to this debilitating identity politics under the Trump presidency, this essay examines Ralph Waldo Emerson’s philosophy of self-reliance. According to his theory of self-reliance, each rational individual is expected to regard particularities or differences in interest and value among community members not as absolute and essential but as something relative or trivial that could be easily reconciled under the premise of the Unity of the universe. Specifically, differenent group identities should be equally recognized and integrated into national identity, because all men deserve equality due to the faculty of reason which enables them to have equal access to the universal truth. His philosophy of individualism thus provides an alternative social vision of inclusion in the harsh reality of exclusionary and alienating identity politics.

EURO-V 규제 대응을 위한 TWC 성능 개선에 관한 연구

김은형(Eunhyoung Kim),유종표(Jongpyo Yoo),김상수(Sangsoo Kim),류창호(Changho Ryu),강대환(Daehwan Kang),정명근(Myunggeun Jung) 한국자동차공학회 2006 한국자동차공학회 춘 추계 학술대회 논문집 Vol.- No.-

This study has been focused on minimization of the exhaust gas emissions to meet EURO-V emission standard by using CCC system configuration. The new catalysts suggested as the next generation catalysts have been Pt/Pd/Rh, Pd/Rh and Pd Only. The Characteristics of Catalyst according to the W/C and promoters have been evaluated in order to establish to the catalyst technologies for gasoline engine. The emission performances of new W/C technologies have been analyzed and evaluated with engine bench test and vehicle test. From the test results, it could be suggested the optimal data applied to catalyst design.

에머슨의 정치성 논란

김은형(EunHyoung Kim) 한국아메리카학회 2009 美國學論集 Vol.41 No.3

It is not easy to understand precisely where Emerson's politics stands. The major reason for such ambiguity in the thinker's political stance lies in his use of an abstract and universal language in expounding his philosophy. The best way to understand his specific political position would therefore be to analyze what result was produced when his abstract language was directly faced with one of the historical events of his time. The present paper thus examines how Emerson responded to the most pressing issue of the era-i.e., slavery-by analyzing one of his apparently political addresses, “The Fugitive Slave Law.” The process of this analysis reveals the fact that Emerson, as an ardent philosopher, answered the critical moral crisis of his nation, which slavery was dangerously splitting into the sections, by radically refining his transcendental individualism. In order to deter the aggressive extension of slavery not only to new territories but also to the existing North, which seemed possible after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, this individualist philosopher argued that every individual, including himself, should be morally sensitive enough to distinguish what was universally good and what was universally bad, regardless of any positive law such as the Constitution and the Union, both of which were based on a corrupt compromise over slavery. Moreover, in this address, Emerson exhaustively examined and remarkably redressed morally wrong premises originally lying in his philosophy of individualism. Through this drastic process of examination and readjustment of his philosophy, his individualism was reborn into a transcendental moral principle by which each individual could keenly sense universal or moral truths and immediately put them into action at any cost. Granted, Emerson revealed his premodern limitations in this process: his elitist historical view that saw the abominable law as brought about only by Daniel Webster's personal influence and the ignorant masses’ reckless obedience to the hero. In addition, even though he successfully cooperated with radical abolitionists through the transformation of his philosophy into a more morally active individualism, his specific suggestions for the resolution of the slavery issue turned out to be not settled but still conservative, as revealed in his suggestion of compensated emancipation for the sake of slaveholders and national safety. However, in spite of all Emerson's political limitations as a Whig elitist and conservative, it would be more appropriate to assess together the drastic dialogical process of his thought and action, through which he became a committed abolitionist and overcame his corrupt philosophical premises. Only after considering both his political limitations and his vigorous and arduous philosophical progress toward a morally and practically improved version of individualism can we properly understand the significance of Emerson's politics -i.e., how this conservative and elitist individualist could become not only an abolitionist, which he originally had detested to be, but also one of the most influential philosophers who laid the philosophical foundation of American democracy.

미국 연방 상원의 포용적 이중성과 그 문제적 의의

김은형(Kim, EunHyoung) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2015 통일인문학 Vol.61 No.-

이 논문은 다수의 지배가 팽배한 현대의 정치 문화에서, 소수의 목소리가 쉽게 다수를 압도하는 시스템을 지닌 독특한 입법 기관인 미국 연방 상원의 문제적 의의를 구체적으로 규명하려는 시도이다. 이를 위해 이 논문은 미국의 정치 구조의 형성 과정에서 상원이 자리매김한 방식을 역사적으로 고찰한다. 그러면서 상원이 약 4세기에 걸친 미국 의회의 역사를 통해 식민지 상원의 무기력한 의존성을 극복하고 이를 다양한 갈등 세력을 포섭하며 타협을 주도하는 포용적 이중성을 지닌 연방 상원으로 발돋움하는 과정을 추적한다. 더 나아가 이 논문은 상원의 포용적 이중성이 발현되는 다양한 방식들, 즉 중앙집권 정부의 한 기관에서 구현되는 주의 동등성, 혼합정부 이론에서 유래된 엘리트적인 입법 심의 기관으로서의 상원의 위상을 뒷받침하는 무제한 자유 토론, 다양한 타협을 매개하는 과정에서 획득한 견제와 균형의 권한들을 통해 정착하게 된 권력 분립 기관으로서의 상원, 소수의 목소리와 권익을 보호하려는 강한 의지를 반영하는 상원의 필리버스터 등을 조명하고, 상원이 결국 미국 역사에서 국가 팽창을 주도하는 중심에 서게 되는 경위를 조사한다. 그러면서 이와 같은 상원의 포용적 이중성이 내포하는 문제적 의의, 즉 타협과 통합, 팽창, 그리고 필리버스터와 같은 상원의 특성들의 뒤안길에 놓인 노예제, 인종차별주의, 소수 특권층 재산 보호 등의 한계를 지적하면서, 궁극적으로 다수의 지배에 기초한 단원제 의회를 지닌 한국사회가, 미국 연방 상원의 정치 문화로부터 어떤 점을 버리고 취할 수 있을지를 전망해 본다. This paper is an attempt to examine the implications of the structural duality of the U.S. Senate. Tracing the 4-century long history of the U.S. legislature, my work tries to illuminate how colonial councils’ “helples[s] dependen[ce]” on the other government branches evolved into the federal upper house’s defining characteristic-its inclusive duality. This distinctive feature was first conceived, based on the theories of the mixed government and the separation of powers, and became formulated in the heated debates of the 1787 Constitutional Convention. The Senate’s institutional development realized its inclusive duality in various forms: equal state representation in one branch of a strong central government; checks and balances within the Senate that emerged out of the process of negotiating compromises among conflicting social elements in post-Revolutionary America and integrating them into the upper legislative branch of the newly formulated central government; the consequent independent status of the Senate as a separate government branch; the deliberative legislative body’s long, unlimited and free debates; and its strong will to protect minority rights, as embodied in filibusters-or minority vetoes. On the one hand, the Senate’s all-encompassing duality served as a stepping stone to expediting the nation’s territorial expansion and federal integration through consecutive compromises made in the Senate. As a result, the Senate, formerly weaker than the lower house and the President, now began to draw nation-wide attention to its deliberative processes, taking the lead in antebellum state affairs. The compromises and integrations achieved through the Senate, however, contributed to the expansion of slavery westward. In addition, filibuster abuse in the Senate delayed the passage of civil rights bills for African Americans by one century after the Emancipation Proclamation; the Senate also showed a proclivity towards providing overprotection for the privileged few. More seriously, partisan politics frequently resorted to the dilatory tactic to stifle debate in the Senate, causing the upper house to lose its original identity as a deliberative and creative legislative body. By examining both positive and negative aspects of the U.S. Senate’s inclusive duality, this paper ultimately hopes to consider the implications of the federal upper house’s distinguishing features-integrative compromises, minority veto power, and equal representation of each state-for South Korea’s unicameral legislature of the National Assembly that depends solely on majority rule.