1920년대 부협의원 선거 유권자대회와 지역 정치의 형성 -마산과 원산의 사례를 중심으로-

김윤정 ( Youn-jeoung Kim ) 수선사학회 2016 史林 Vol.0 No.55

Koreans in the areas of Masan and Wonsan held the convention of voters for the election of authorized candidates in the election of local council conducted by Japanese Government-General of Joseon in the 1920s. Authorized candidates were elites of economic strength who were the executives of youth council or labor organizations, ex-executives of the organizations leaning towards socialism or men with public service experience. Members of the executive committee for convention of voters were those who had participated in the independence movement to be imprisoned, the executives of youth council, labor organizations and branches of the Shinganhoe. Authorized candidates who were elected as the members of Pu-Council in the areas of Masan and Wonsan had something in common. Firstly, they fought against the Japanese members and the then mayors over the local pending issues resigning en masse and rejecting the budget reviews. Secondly, they actively participated in promoting and securing the interests of Koreans claiming to stand for ‘public interest and welfare of people’. The difference between Wonsan and Masan was that the members of Government Committee in the area of Masan worked through the local pending issues in a close co-operation with the local influentials and the local rising force while the existing native power in the area of Wonsan came into conflict with the local new youth power and the struggles for the initiative within the social movements were exposed even in the election process of Pu-Council. The members of local council kept tabs on what direction Japanese government-general of Joseon would take and aligned themselves with the local Japanese influentials, strongly representing the public opinion of Korean people depending on the issues. They stayed in a traditional power or formed a new power in their region. The local communities had a complex political structure in which Korean, Japanese, and government-general compete with one another depending on the pending issues, which led the authorized candidate-turned members of Pu-Council elected from the convention of voters in the 1920s to secure their own territory and to strengthen the political and economic foundation.

조선총독부 중추원 회의와 그 내용

김윤정(Kim Youn-Jeoung) 역사학연구소 2011 역사연구 Vol.- No.20

Jungchuwon(the Governor-General’s Secretariat) held a consultation meeting per year and regular meetings every week and several meetings by the committee of research into municipal administration or other committees organized according to needs of that time. The most important one was the consultation meeting opened for a couple of days, which was called by the governor-general once or twice per year. During the consultation, Chamuis provided advice and suggestion verbally or in writing as requested by the governor-general. That is, it had a top-to-bottom structure where only matters ordered from the top are discussed, not where agendas or important matters are decided through resolution of Jungchuwon itself. Even though Jungchuwon meetings of the 1910s did not play much of its consultation role, they were held every year after the 3·1 Movement in 1919. The issues raised in the meetings from 1921 to 1924 were mainly about social customs. Also, Joseon Chongdokbu((The Government General of Joseon) presented bills to Jungchuwon meetings as a means to read Korean people’s thinking over the matter of legalization of Japanese civil laws to Korean ones, to prevent any disputes arising from the legalization. In the end of the 1920s to the 1930s when Chongdokbu had planned and implemented agrarian improvement projects, industrial development and people’s enlightenment were the major issues of the meetings. The issues raised by Chamuis were about necessities of local people and discrimination problems between Korean and Japanese officials, but specifically, they focused on measures Chongdokbu had to take to control the ‘seditious’ current of that time. Chongdokbu wanted to gather information through reports of Jungchuwon officials on results of agrarian improvement projects, the popular will over those projects, trend of thought, and situations of the ‘peace and reconciliation of Japan and Korea’ policy. The issues consulted to Jungchuwon under wartime conditions included how to concentrate Korean people’s resources and how to strengthen such ideas as ‘Nae Seon Il Che’ (Japan and Korea are one entity) and ‘Hwang Min Yeon Seong’ (Improve to be a Japanese citizen). Chamuis reported conditions of the national spirit mobilization project of the local districts where they were appointed and provided suggestions on improvement in resource mobilization for war, spiritual education related with Nae Seon Il Che, educational policies to equip educational institutions with proper facilities, reinforcement of various control instruments and the like. Consequently, Chongdokbu utilized Jungchuwon in effective and multi-directional ways when formulating, establishing and executing colonial policies, and the members of Jungchuwon were also active in responding to the utilization. That is, Jungchuwon, when viewed as a subsidiary organ from the history of Japanese imperialism, was playing such an important role that it should be the last to be overlooked.

일제강점기 해수욕장 문화의 시작과 해변 풍경의 변천

김윤정(Kim, Youn-Jeoung) 역사학연구소 2015 역사연구 Vol.- No.29

Before modern times, an act of sea bathing and a place of sea bathing had a huge significance for healing purposes rather than for leisure or enjoyment regardless of the East and the West. Bathing beach culture started to be introduced in the beaches which had been a space for living and healing with the open ports in which Japanese settlements were concentrated, including Busan, Incheon and Wonsan as the centers. Bathing beaches in Korea were established not for the public enjoying a bathing beach culture as a way of leisure activities but for the interests of the Japanese government-run corporations, including South Manchuria railway company, and Japanese capitalists living in Joseon. It was one of the process in which capitalism was involuntarily implanted by Japan and a manifestation of the Governor-General of Korea"s "governmentality" to organize even the area of leisure culture of the colonial Korean people. Bathing beaches were not a space freely allowed for the poor in the urban or rural areas who were overwhelmingly in the majority. At that time, people did not hide their offended feelings against a group of people who enjoyed luxuries in the bathing beaches. However, this did not lead them to an indifference and exclusion against the bathing beach culture, but to a yearning and aspiration for it. Bathing beaches were a space for the capitalistic enjoyment and consumption and for exhibitionism and voyeurism. Worrying that bathing beaches would fall into a space for an immoderate enjoyment, some intellectuals and young people held the camps for physical fitness every year. In the periods of a war footing, bathing beaches turned into a maritime training place for Japanese imperialism"s conduct of war. Bathing beaches in the Period of Japanese Colonialism were complexly intertwined with a combination of empire and colonization, modernity, and locality. And it is a place for "distinction", a clear manifestation of ethnical and class differences.

1930년대 함흥부회와 전주부회의 구성과 활동

김윤정 ( Youn-jeoung Kim ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.60

The images of the local politics seen through the operation of the Hamhung and Jeonju parliaments show clear conflicts between the local government and the Japanese Government General of Joseon rather than between Joseon people and Japanese. This is due to the fact that Hamhung and Jeonju were traditional cities and compare to the cities that had grown with the wealth of the early period of Japanese colonial times, the Japanese societies in Hamhung and Jeonju were relatively small, and that the Korean capital and the political and social forces were strong. In these regions, it is relatively easy for the Korean lawmakers to represent the interests of the Koreans, who make up most of the residents, compared to other regions. However, there was not much where their will was carried out in a limited environment that was not actually an autonomous institution. In most cases, it was to the extent that they confirmed the policies that were presented in advance by Myeon, Eup municipal and provincial authorities. Nonetheless, the reason they wanted to advance to the Parliament included the intention to consolidate their socio-economic positions within their region, with the hope that they can play a role in communicating the will of the local people to the authorities. In the 1920s, it was mainly a small number of influential people in both Hamhung and Jeonju district parliament, and since 1930s, new and younger people who do not have government experiences from various occupations had advanced to the parliament. Although it was limited, unlike 1920s, the resolutions were recognized in the 1930s, so more active discussions took place compared to the perfunctory parliament of 1920s. As local youth activists and Shinganhoe activists poured out their remarks during the meetings, the center of the discussion agenda was gradually shifted to the facilities related issues of social policies. They raised a lot of questions about the stability of life below the middle class level. Their criticism of the government also made certain brakes for the regional parliament from becoming the same perfunctory organizations. However, it is also possible to assess that the fact that the councils and municipalities have been changed into resolution making institutes made them hope and led them to overestimate the authority of the councils. They demanded a “real” local autonomy that realizes “ideal” government administration throughout the 1930s, but that conflicted with the line drawn by the Japanese Government General of Joseon, which was impossible from the start. It is also seen that the attempt to intervene with hopes of realizing “public interest” in the institutions created by the Japanese imperialists was expected to be unrealistic from the start.