공공데이타베이스의 개발 현황에 대한 분석

김병록 한국데이타베이스학회 1995 Journal of information technology applications & m Vol.2 No.2

집회의 자유의 쟁점과 집시법의 개정방향

김병록 조선대학교 법학연구원 2024 법학논총 Vol.31 No.3

Although there are no explicit provisions in our Constitution, it is only peaceful and nonviolent rallies that are protected by freedom of assembly. And the permit system for assembly and demonstration is prohibited. This is because a society that can hold assembly and demonstration only under the permission of the state cannot be regarded as a democratic society. The Constitutional Court has repeatedly emphasized the importance of ensuring that political power or the public can hold assembly and demonstration in a 'place where they can be seen and heard'. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Freedom (International Convention on Civil and Political Rights), which Korea has joined and ratified to take effect of domestic law, recognizes the 'right to peaceful assembly'. Even if assembly and demonstration interferes with traffic or causes confusion in economic activities, the assembly and demonstration should be protected as long as it is peaceful, and assembly and demonstration (so-called 'illegal assembly and demonstration') that does not meet the requirements of domestic law is also subject to peaceful protection. Of course, we must respond accordingly to illegal activities. However, it is unconstitutional and anachronistic to take issue with rallies without illegal activities, drive rallies themselves illegally, and claim bans or forced dissolution. Moreover, wasn't it the government of Yoon Suk Yeol that shouted "freedom" first? In his inaugural address, he gave special meaning to 'freedom' 35 times, but it is truly incongruous to touch the freedom of rallies and demonstrations guaranteed by the Constitution. How can we increase the volume of what needs to be done only when responding to illegal activities during rallies, and what needs to be solved only in a small way? Previously, he said "freedom," but later he is making a law that infringes on basic rights. The state should faithfully embody the values of the rule of law and democracy by guaranteeing the freedom of assembly and demonstration as much as possible, which is a key element of democracy, in line with the purpose of the Constitution and the International Human Rights Act (especially the Convention on the Rights of Freedom). Starting with the fundamental question of what is freedom of assembly in this paper, the constitution guarantees freedom of assembly, the Constitution guarantees freedom of assembly, and the ordinances review issues and problems such as "permission and prohibition" and "permission and prohibition" in anticipation of the spring of the Assembly Act, and suggest directions for revising the Assembly Act that harms freedom of assembly.

대구 통합신공항 이전갈등 프레임 분석: 이해관계자 역할을 중심으로

김병록 한국공공관리학회 2021 한국공공관리학보 Vol.35 No.4

본 논문의 연구목적은 대구 통합신공항 이전갈등 사례를 연구하여 이해관계자 역할을 제시함으로써 국정과제인 군 공항의 원활한 이전사업에 기여하기 위함이다. 연구방법은 프레임 규명, 강화, 확대, 변형 및 재구성 4개 요소로 구분하여 과정별 종합적 분석과 직접적인 이해관계자 인터뷰 자료를 활용하였다. 이에 따른 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 대구 통합신공항 이전갈등과 관련하여 이해관계자들은 끈질긴 협상과 협력을 통하여 공동의 창조적 대안을 제시하였다. 둘째, 국방부는 법률에 기반한 절차적 정당성을 확보하였고 합의형성을 견인하였다. 셋째, 대구시는 시의회, 시민단체, 지역시민 등과 함께 20년 동안 혼연일체가 되어 협력하여 대구 통합신공항 이전지역 확정이라는 결실을 맺었다. 넷째, 경상북도는 대구시와 시의회와 협력하여 군위군과 의성군의 전격적인 수용을 인도하였다. 다섯째, 군위군과 의성군은 군수를 비롯한 전 군민이 유치경쟁에서 협의와 양보로 지역공동체 상생을 위해 공동후보지로 결단하였다. 이러한 결과를 토대로 본 연구에서는 향후 군 공항 이전사업에 대하여 중앙정부가 주도적으로 실행하고 지방자치단체는 협의와 협상, 양보와 협력으로 이해관계자들이 만족할 수 있는 창조적 대안을 제안하였다. The purpose of this theis is to contribute to the smooth relocation project of military airports, which is a national task, by studying cases of conflicts over the relocation of Daegu Integrated New Airport and presenting the role of stakeholders. The research method was divided into four elements: frame identification, reinforcement, expansion, deformation, and reconstruction, and comprehensive analysis by process and direct stakeholder interview data were used. Accordingly, the research results are as follows. First, regarding the conflict over the relocation of Daegu Integrated New Airport, stakeholders suggested a common creative alternative through persistent negotiations and cooperation. Second, the Ministry of National Defense secured procedural legitimacy based on the law and drove the formation of an agreement. Third, Daegu City, along with the city council, civic groups, and local citizens, has been united for 20 years and cooperated to confirm the relocation area of Daegu Integrated New Airport. Fourth, Gyeongsangbuk province cooperated with Daegu and the city council to deliver the full acceptance of Gunwi and Uiseong counties. Fifth, Gunwi-gun and Uiseong-gun decided as joint candidates for the co-prosperity of the local community through consultation and concession in the competition to attract the county governor and all other county residents. Therefore, the central government is taking the initiative in implementing future military port relocation projects, and local governments are proposing creative alternatives that can satisfy stakeholders through consultation, negotiation, concession and cooperation.

로스쿨에 대한 몇 가지 생각

김병록 朝鮮大學校 法學硏究所 2004 法學論叢 Vol.11 No.2

이승만의 농지개혁과 교육개혁

김병록 사단법인 한국국가법학회 2023 국가법연구 Vol.19 No.4

Although it is receiving mixed evaluations according to the camp's logic, it is undeniable that Lee Seung-man has succeeded and failed at almost every juncture of modernization in Korea. He himself was one of the chaotic modernization of his country. However, Rhee Syng-man is still an ill-fated leader whose credits are covered and only his mistakes are highlighted. Rhee Syng-man gave us a great gift of liberal democracy along with the importance of economic equality in a space of liberation from severe confrontation. His achievements were often distorted or overlooked due to excessive ideological debates. However, we can meet the decisive moments of Rhee Syng-man in the process of the birth of the Republic of Korea, ranging from the Manmin Community to farmland reform, the signing of the Korea-U.S. mutual defense treaty, and education reform, which led to the first step toward a democratic republic. Recently, the evaluation of the first President Rhee Syng-man has been newly made. The mood is to properly evaluate such contributions as the Korea-U.S. alliance and farmland reform. There is no doubt that the Korea-U.S. alliance is the number one contributor to preventing communization across the Korean Peninsula. Farmland reform is generally evaluated as an opportunity to transform society as a whole from modern to modern. If you add one more to this, it is a ball that laid the foundation for Korea's physical and human infrastructure. Rhee Syng-man made efforts to expand infrastructure despite the poverty of relying on aid. The present Republic of Korea is called the era of the most abundance in its half-million-year history. This era of abundance was not created all of a sudden one day. It is the product of more than 70 years of accumulation since the establishment of the Korean government. The secret to its success lies in making liberal democracy and a market economy the foundation of the state. Based on this, it succeeded in reforming farmland and prevented North Korea's invasion. The mutual defense treaty with the United States also played a major role. This credit cannot but be attributed to Rhee Syng-man more than anyone else. Based on this awareness of the problem, this paper will examine Rhee Syng-man's track record leading up to the enactment of the Constitution and conduct a constitutional evaluation of land reform and education reform.

플랫폼 자본주의에 관한 고찰 - 플랫폼 자본주의, 통제가 필요한가?

김병록 조선대학교 법학연구원 2023 法學論叢 Vol.30 No.2

How does the platform digital economy, which has emerged as a new business model, appear in terms of the long history of capitalism? The irony is that there is a tendency to monopolize the DNA of the platform industry based on value-based "network effects." As long as these companies are born and grown in a capitalist environment, they cannot escape the laws of capitalist competition. "More users → more interactions → more data → more value." Given that the initial dominance tends to solidify into a permanent position leading the industry, it is inevitably a foregone conclusion that these platform capital will turn into a monopoly. So if the state owns it, it will be like China. Nick Surnick's answer to this is a "public platform" or "decapitalist platform." State regulations that we can easily think of - such as prohibiting monopolies, blocking exploitative lean platforms, protecting privacy and avoiding tax evasion - are urgently needed, but this is a minimal step and cannot address the structural conditions that have brought these companies to life. And with a cooperative platform, it is not powerful to confront strong platform monopolies. As Nick Sernick argues in platform capitalism, capitalist contradictions occur and the big flow and direction of resolving them should not be forgotten. A way to promote technology with everyone's ownership, control and democratic participation and distribution as a "public platform" or "decapitalist platform". It's not new, but it's not like I've ever been, but the path of widowhood still lies ahead of us. It will be necessary for the state to exercise the necessary regulatory power and invest in the development of public platform technology, making it a de-capitalist platform.

공유경제의 헌법적 문제

김병록 조선대학교 법학연구원 2023 法學論叢 Vol.30 No.3

The sharing economy refers to an economy based on collaborative consumption in which several people share and use products once produced by changing goods from the existing "ownership" to the concept of "sharing." Although the sharing economy has innovations that reduce transaction costs and expand the scope of new transactions, there is a controversy that it violates actual laws such as the Passenger Transport Service Act and the Tourism Promotion Act, which are regulations on traditional industries. However, given that the sharing economy based on innovation in IT technology is a new phenomenon, it is questionable whether it is desirable to apply and regulate traditional industries as they are. Furthermore, even if there is a need for regulation, it is necessary to review what kind of regulation should be introduced in order not to hinder the innovation of the sharing economy discussed above. Guy Standing, author of "Unearned Income Capitalism," says, "It may be the first time in the history of capitalism that the core trend of capitalism has changed so quickly." The author harshly criticizes, "It is packaged as a new 'sharing economy', but in fact, it should be called 'platform capitalism' that extorts unearned income." Platform conglomerates, the children of the 4th Industrial Revolution, dominate the lives of the entire society in a completely different way from the early 20th century, and the power network of their domination is much tighter. Not only has the national state's unique authority, such as identification and financial transactions, but it also detects and creates all their thoughts, actions, and desires as a national state has never dreamed of. It's rather strange if there's no power problem. Attention is focusing on which side will win here or whether a new type of compromise and compromise will be made.

안동혁신유림 동산 류인식

김병록 안동대학 안동사연구회 1989 安東史硏究 Vol.3 No.1

동산은 계몽 사상가로서 일평생을 보냈다. 그는 전통적인 안동 유림 출신으로 개화운동에 투신하여 유림을 개화시킨 재야 학자이다. 그는 대동사란 통사류의 역사서를 서술했다. 그는 자신이 성장한 유림의 부패상을 피부로 느낄 수 있었고 먼저 유림을 개화한 후에야 이들이 민중계몽에 나서기를 바랐다. 그리고 역사서술 방법에 있어서 전통적인 서술방법을 그대로 계승한 점은 그의 사학이 갖는 시대적 한계성이라 볼 수 있다. 또 그는 교육활동을 통해 국권회복하기를 바랬고, 그래서 협동학교를 설립했다. 협동학교는 사회교육적 활동이 강했다. 또 그는 지방과 중앙을 왕래하면서 교육운동을 했다. 중앙의 교육인사들과 교류하여 국내의 정세에 민감했다. 즉 지방과 중앙을 연결시키는 역할도 수행했다. 특히 그는 지방 유림들의 거센 반발에도 불구하고 뜻을 굽히지 않고 그의 신념으로 지탱해 나간 것은 동산의 교육에 대한 의지와 열성을 말해주는 것이다. 이 점은 높이 평가해야 한다.

개발제한구역제도의 헌법적 조명

김병록 한국토지공법학회 2000 土地公法硏究 Vol.10 No.-

A Study on the Participation of Korean Women in the Policy

김병록 조선대학교 법학연구원 2016 法學論叢 Vol.23 No.3

우리 헌법상 여성은 선거권 및 공무담임권에서 평등하게 권리를 향유할 주체임에도 여성권한척도(GEM), 성불평등지수(GII), 성 격차지수(GGI) 등 세계여성평등척도에서 주요 선진국에 비해 매우 뒤떨어져 있다. 따라서 국가인권위원회는 국 가인권정책기본계획 권고안을 통해 특히 여성인권상황과 개선 조건에 대한 정확한 진단을 바탕으로 인권정책 목표와 추진과제를 제시한 바 있다. 그러나 여성의 정치적 대표성이 매우 낮고, 정부기관, 민간단체, 노동조합 등의 의사결정과정에서 여성이 여전히 배제되거나 제한되고 있는 현실에서, 유엔여성차별철폐위원회는 정당의 여성 대표자 비율을 최소한 30%까지 높이고 사법 및 민간영역에서 여성참여율을 높이는 정책을 마련하라고 권고한 바 있고(1998년), 유엔자유권규약(제25조)은 차별이나 불합리한 제한 없이 직접 또는 자유로이 선출한 대표자를 통한 정치 참여권, 정기적인 선거권과 피선거권, 평등한 조건에서 자국의 공무에 취임하는 권리 등을 규정하고 있다. 이에 따라 여성발전기본법, 국가인권위원회법, 정당법, 공무원임용시험령, 여성과학기술인 육성 및 지원에 관한법률, 교육공무원법 등의 법률에 의해 현재 여성공천할당제, 공무원의 양성채용목 표제, 정부위원회의 여성참여목표제, 여성과학기술인의 채용목표제, 국공립대학의 여교수채용목표제가 시행되고 있다. 이러한 법제도적 성과에도 불구하고 여전히 여성이 직면하는 유리천장은 우리사회에 존재하고 있으며, 특히 여성의 공직 참여를 통한 의사결정력은 미미한 수준이라고 보지 않을 수 없다. 이 논문은 한국에서의 여성 공직 참여 현황과 비교 법적 현실(Ⅱ)에 대한 인식을 토대로 여성의 공직 참여 보장법제와 추진체제(Ⅲ)를 점검하고, 여성의 공직 참여 저해요인(차별 요인)(Ⅳ)을 분석한 후 여성의 공직 참여 제고방안(차별 해소방안)(Ⅴ)을 제시하면서 정책적 제언(Ⅵ)을 하고 있다. The current Constitution of Korea, article 10 regulated the dignity and value as human beings, and the pursuit of happiness as ideological foundation for guarantee of basic rights and to achieve this under Article 11 it has materialized the equality in various areas such as education, employment, marriage and family life, elections, etc as a methodological basis. However, in the Constitution women are the subject to enjoy the right equally in the Hold public office and right to vote. But ratio of female members is very outdated in World Women s equality measure such as Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), Gender Inequality Index (GII), and Gender Gap Index (GGI) etc. And of course, the number of female officials is increasing trend but compared with France, New Zealand, Germany, Canada, UK, etc. it is still low. In addition the proportion of female civil servants management positions, which has the influential currently, it is about 14 percent in 2009. And among them the proportion of female senior civil servants is 1.8%. So, the National Human Rights Commission has proposed human rights policy s objectives and priority project through the National Action Plan (NAP). Establishing the National Action Plan is to meet the meet the demands of the international human right organization, also, at the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action of the World Conference on Human Rights 1993 in Vienna advice the establishment of Human Rights Council and National Action Plan to each countries and The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) was advised to report about the establishment of Human Rights Council until June 30, 2006. But Women s Political representation is too low and still excluded or limited in the Decision-making process of Government, NGO, labor union, etc. In this situation, The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women(CEDAW) in 1998. It advised to increase the percentage at least 30% for the women in party and create a policy for women s social activities and Article 25 of the UN Human Rights regulates the equal rights for election and public service. As a result, gender quota system, Affirmative Action for Public Officers and Women Professors in the National Universities, etc. these Institutions are take effect by Act on Women s Development, National Human Rights Commission of Korea, Party law, Public Service Aptitude Test law, Fostering and Supporting of Women Scientists and Engineers law, Public Educational Officials Act, etc. Despite of these legislative achievements women s inequalities are still in this society. Especially, the power of decision-making by participation in public is insignificant. This paper check the Female s Seats in national parliament in Korea and Using the recognition of Comparative Study s reality(Ⅱ) examine the Participation of Korean Women in the Policy(Ⅲ), in analysis the Hindrance Factors of the Participation of Korean Women in the Policy(Discriminative Factors)(Ⅳ). after then propose the Improving Efficiency of for the Participation of Korean Women in the Policy (the Solutions to Discrimination)(Ⅴ)and Political Proposal(Ⅵ) is this study s purpose.